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criminal, however ungratefully his immense services may have been repaid, that the Abbé Sieyes-I ask his pardon for naming him-does not himself advance to insert in the constitution one of the greatest springs which actuate the state of civil polity. I am the more grieved at this dereliction, since, crushed under a weight far above my strength of intellect, incessantly called away by that recollection and meditation, which are the prime powers of man, I had not directed my attention to this question, accustomed as I was to rely upon that illustrious thinker, for putting his last hand to his own admirable workmanship. I have pressed him, conjured him, entreated him as a suppliant, in the name of that friendship with which he honours me, in the name of patriotism, that sentiment otherwise so sacred and full of energy, to endow us with his ideas, not to leave such a vast chasm in the constitution. He refused me; I tell it openly. I conjure you, however, to call upon him for his opinion which ought not to be kept secret; to tear, at length, from the arms of discouragement, a man whose silence and inaction I consider as a publick calamity.

After this declaration, for the candour of which at least you will give me credit, if you will dispense with my reading my plan of the decree, I shall be grateful for the indulgence. [Read, read.] You are determined, then, that I shall read it: bear in mind that I do so in obedience to your command, and that I have not the courage to risk your displeasure, in my zeal to do you service.

I move you to decree the following as constitutional

articles :

Article I. The right of making war and peace belongs to the nation.

II. The care of watching over the external security of the empire of maintaining its rights and its possessions, belongs to the king; accordingly, for him alone shall it be lawful to keep up political connexions with foreign powers; conduct negotiations; make choice of the proper agents to be employed in

such affairs; make warlike preparations proportioned to those made by the neighbouring states; distribute the forces by sea and land, in such manner as he shall deem expedient, and regulate the direction of them in case of war.

III. In the case of hostilities impending or commenced, of an ally to be supported, of a right to be asserted by force of arms, it shall be incumbent on the king to notify, without delay, such circumstance to the legislative body, to make known the causes and the motives and to ask for the necessary supplies: and should the necessity of such notification arise during the recess of the legislative body, that body shall be immediatety reassembled.

IV. If upon such notification, the legislative body deem, that the hostilities commenced by a criminal aggression on the part of ministry, or of some other agent of the executive, the author of such aggression shall be impeached as guilty of treason against the nation; the national assembly declaring, to that end that the French nation renounces conquest, of what kind soever it be, and that it will never employ its force against the liberty of any state.

V. If in the case of the said notification the legislative body refuse the necessary supplies, and manifest its disapprobation of the war, it shall be incumbent on the king to take such measures, immediately as may prevent, or put a stop to all hostilities, the ministers remaining responsible for delays.

VI. The formulary of the declaration of war, and of the treaties of peace, shall be, on the part of the king of the French, and in the name of the nation.

VII. In the case of an impending war, the legisla tive body shall extend its session into the customary intervals of recess, and may continue to sit, without any recess, as long as the war shall endure.

VIII. During the whole course of the war, it shall be lawful for the legislative body to request the executive power to negotiate a peace, and, in case the king shall head the army in person, the legislative body shall have the right of assembling such a num

ber of the national guards, and in such place, as it shall deem expedient.

IX. At the moment when the war shall cease, the legislative body shall fix the space of time, within which the troops extraordinary shall be disbanded and the army reduced to the permanent establishment; the pay of the said troops shall be continued no longer than to that fixed time, after which, should the troops extraordinary remain still embodied, the minister shall be responsible, and be impeached as guilty of treason against the nation. To this end it shall be incumbent on the committee of constitution to consider forthwith of the mode of ministerial responsibility.

X. It belongs to the king to conclude and sign all treaties of peace, of alliance, and of commerce with foreign powers, and such other conventions as he shall deem consistent with the welfare of the state; but the said treaties and conventions shall become effective, only so far as they shall have been ratified by the legislative body.

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MR. PITT, as chancellor of the exchequer, in making his annual statement to the house, took the opportunity to acknowledge, that he had advanced to the allies during the preceding session of parliament and its subsequent recess, divers sums of money, to the amount of 1,200,0001.

This measure of the minister afforded too favourable an occasion of attack, not to be seized by an opposition ever the most vigilant and alert.

Mr. Fox, therefore, moved, "that his majesty's ministers having authorized and directed, at different times, without the consent, and during the sitting of parliament, the issue of various sums of money, for the service of his imperial majesty, and also for the service of the army under the prince of Conde, have acted contrary to their duty, and to that trust reposed in them, and have therefore violated the constitutional privileges of this house."

The minister, in the following speech delivered in his defence, displays great powers of eloquence, and uncommon ingenuity in the application of precedents to his case.

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