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offences will come. By the resistance to every science sake, that commands involuntary homage. successive measure of reform, a whole generation But linked with this, even in the best of them, has been trained to agitation. There is a reform there is a habit of attaching exclusive importance press, which must have topics for discussion: there to those opinions by which they differ from others, are reform orators, who must have grievances about a repulsive and polemical tendency, that confines which to declaim; there are independent members, their most genial feelings to the narrow circle of representing reform constituencies, who must bring their sect, and chides the sympathy of those who forward reform measures to please those who sent do not entire' concur with them. Various sects them to parliament, and to acquire distinction; and from time ame ally themselves with each other, there are countless thousands of reformers, whose and even with the latitudinarians, to ward off danaspirations after progress must be gratified. In the ger; but their consciences check them for such course of time, all the old questions will again be compliances; when they can, they prefer standing propounded. Extension of the franchise, ballot, aloof, and even in aggressive relations to all who repeal of the rate-paying clauses of the reform act; think differently from them. Such intellects are the legacy duties, and other inequalities of taxa- incapable of governing a state wisely; woe to the tion; currency reform, repeal of death punish-nation which is subjected to their sway! but they ment; church rates, &c., will all reäppear, not- have many of the sturdy and independent qualities withstanding every attempt of the party in power of the good hater, and in our country they are to keep them in abeyance Above all, the state of Ireland, and the Irish church question, will force themselves on public attention. Verily there will not long be peace for peace-loving whigs.

The elements of disturbance are not dead, but sleep. The chartists are scarce seen or heard of at present but the chartists still exist. Let there come a season of monetary pressure, accompanied by want of work, and the millions will become uneasy; let the millions feel uneasy, and the natural and necessary distrust of a government over which they exercise no control, which is entirely under the management of classes who have stored up means to weather a season of distress, will revive. We have not heard the last of extension of the franchise; no, nor of the five points either.

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numerous, and as powerful as a inultitude of independent self-willed guerilla troops can be. The conscious and avowedly intolerant section of society, still too numerous among us, is ever ready to avail itself of the distrust and want of cordiality between the statesmen and scholars who compose the latitudinarians, and the innumerable communions who compose the sectaries, and, among the latter, in regard to each other. And already we have had symptoms preparative for a fierce Exeter Hall campaign.

And how will the new ministry meet the rising demands of reformers? The question is of more importance to themselves than to the people; for the spirit of progress is so powerful that, if resisted by the whigs, their resistance will only be fatal to their retention of place.

Ministers may make up their minds that the present lull is deceptive; that all the elements of as fierce a political strife as this country has ever witnessed, are actively fermenting beneath the surface. It is not by fair words, or graceful concessions, that Again, the spirit of sectarian bigotry is scarcely they are to neutralize, pacify, or divert them. The even asleep. If it slumbers, it is a nightmare drawing-room liberalism of politics is too dilutedslumber, and its groans and tossings are as full of the bookish policy of the metropolitan press too meaning as those of Richard the night before Bos-unreal, to serve the purpose. They must look at worth field. Old Intolerance is preparing for a the cravings of the densely-packed quivering masses last rally, and, like Captain Macheath, he will "die in the manufacturing districts, at the dull chronic game. The cause of religious liberty has been nightmare suffering of the agricultural districts, at more rapidly advanced in practice than in theory. the deranged social relations of Ireland, and apply Two parties have cooperated in this, who but im- real remedies to real agonies. Thus only can they perfectly felt the divine nature of the mission they render permanent their precarious tenure of auhave been fulfilling, and who cordially distrust and thority. dislike each other-the latitudinarians on the one hand, and the sectarians on the other. By the latitudinarians, (we use the word in no dislogistic or offensive sense,) we mean the scholars and thinkers, and the statesmen and lawyers, who, by reflection or mere habit, have come to look with indifference upon the minor controversies of sects, so Their position is not so secure as it seems, from long as the great essentials of devotional feeling the ready acquiescence of the nation in their return and moral convictions are safe. Under every form to power, and the present lull of political agitation. and phasis of society, this class of intellect must There are dangers within and without the camp of be the governing one. Religious controversies are the whigs. From Lord Grey within, and from Sir so many impediments to their political schemes, Robert Peel and Mr. O'Connell without, they have and they would fain suppress them. When men much to apprehend. If they act rightly, Lord of this class are intolerant, (and there is sometimes Grey will be to them a tower of strength. We a natural intolerance of disposition which no school- trust the same thing may be truly said of Sir Robing or training can subdue,) it is of sincere, imprac-ert Peel, and also of Mr. O'Connell. But certainticable, narrow-minded religious conviction. Our ly in Lord Grey, the whig officers have a dangerous Chesterfields and Bedfords, and our literary promo-messmate. Should they retrograde or march in a ters of Catholic and Jewish emancipation, have wrong direction, he will assuredly desert them, and belonged to this class. They are not truly tolerant; join the more dangerous party of their enemies. for, incapable of conceiving the deep devotion to The danger to be apprehended from Sir Robert peculiar dogmas, which seems inseparable from Peel, is not less. He has promised them his supmany of the highest virtues of human nature, they port in all good measures; and there is no reason would emasculate public opinion, by suppressing it. to doubt either the sincerity of his intention in their The other class to whom we alluded, are the sec- favor, or that he will faithfully perform what he has taries, or dissenters. There is a grandeur and promised. But that he should have any personal single-heartedness about the readiness of the better favor for them, or that he should wish to see them minds of this class to sacrifice everything for con-longer in office than they use their power for the

public benefit, is not to be supposed. We believe | tablishments in the other two kingdoms are to the that he will act towards Lord John Russell, with dissenters in these kingdoms. Besides being the more magnanimity than Lord John displayed to churches of a present majority in the one case, and wards him. For, while supporting Peel's great of a very recent majority in the other, these churches measure, Lord John could never refrain from un- were the original choice of the English and Scottish necessary and mischievous sallies, depreciatory of people. Not so the church of Ireland. It was its author. No petty ebullitions of spite or spleen forced upon the Irish nation by invaders and oppresare likely to proceed from Peel. But it may be sors. It was established by force, on a reluctant expected that he will be quite ready to withdraw people; it has been maintained, by force, among a his support from Lord John Russell, at the very people whose original aversion to it has never time when support shall be most required; that is, known diminution; and it is maintained by force, at when the whigs are doing something both wrong the present time. Without the vast body of troops and unpopular; turning his force suddenly against quartered in Ireland, amounting to about one third them, to their destruction as a ministry, and his of the British army, the English church establishown restoration to office as the minister of progress. ment in Ireland could not maintain itself for a single From Peel as again a conservative, the whigs have day. It is nonsense to pretend that the English not much to fear. If they attack the church es- church in Ireland is not an injustice and an opprestablishment of Ireland, the friends of that church sion, because it takes nothing from the Irish people, would scarcely choose Peel as their champion. but subsists on its own funds. The whole property They would feel instinctively that their cause and possessions, as they are called, of that church would not be safe under his charge. The part he establishment, were taken from the church of the acted in the cases of Catholic emancipation and Irish people, who are forced to pay their own mincorn law repeal, could not fail to impress on their isters of religion; the funds and possessions fordoubting consciences, what they might anticipate merly devoted to that purpose being forcibly approfrom Peel. Should the whigs attempt organic re- priated by an alien church. Can such a violation forms, there might be more danger from Peel; of every principle of religious liberty be supported again become leader of the conservatives, protec- by Englishmen and Scotsmen? Can it be expected tionists and all. That danger, the whigs, however, that such a degrading infliction on the feelings of will not incur. It is more likely that Peel may go Irishmen should be much longer submitted to? The beyond them, in that direction, by originating or thing is impossible. supporting a new reform bill, retaining the £10 franchise, but abolishing all the corrupt small constituencies, and establishing equality of districts, with triennial parliaments; a measure which, although far short of radical reform, would immensely increase the power of the middle classes to return men of their own sentiments to parliament.

From Mr. O'Connell, the danger to the whig cabinet is not so great, as from either Lord Grey or Sir Robert Peel; that is, if Mr. O'Connell continue to agitate solely for repeal of the union. Against that agitation the whigs will have the support of the whole British public, including, with scarcely an exception, the whole British press. But if he should direct his force against the monster grievance of Ireland, the established church, the church of one tenth of the population, which yet monopolizes the whole national church property, the case would be very different. That grievance is utterly indefensible. Apart from the opinion so rapidly gaining ground, that all church establishments are injurious to the cause of true religion, and, where there is not one sect of religionists but many, flagrantly unjust to all the dissenting churches; there is no gainsaying the truth, that, on every principle of equity and common sense, if there must be a church establishment in Ireland, it ought to be that of the national religion of Ireland-the religion, not of one tenth of the people, and the richest portion of them, and therefore the best able to provide religious services for themselves; but that of above eight tenths of the people, and these the poorest. England has its establishment; the church of the majority of the English people. Scotland has its establishment; the church of, till very lately, the majority of the Scottish people. Why should not the establishment of Ireland, if establishments are to be maintained in each of the three kingdoms, be that of the majority of the Irish people? a majority greater than the English church can boast in England, or the Scottish church ever could pretend to in Scotland. The Episcopal church is more odious to the dissentients, in Ireland, than the es

Had there been no Presbyterian establishment in Scotland-had the English church been established there also the insult, if not the injury to the people of Ireland would have been less palpable. It might have been said that the Episcopalian was the church of the majority of the people of the United Kingdom; and, as it is the duty of the state to maintain an establishment of religion, that establishment could only be the Episcopalian. But the successful armed resistance of the Scottish people to the thrusting upon them of an alien and hated church establishment, has destroyed that plausible argument, and leaves the Episcopal establishment of Ireland a crying injustice, a degrading insult, and a monument of foreign oppression, which cannot be maintained with the smallest pretence, to fair dealing, or conformity with the great Christian principle of doing to others as we would that they should do unto us.

The whigs, it is only justice to admit, have long been sensible that this state of things in Ireland ought not to be maintained. Lord John Russell and other leading statesmen of the party have proposed a remedy. The Rev. Sydney Smith advocated the same remedy, in an eloquent and powerful appeal, published after his decease. And the great whig organ, The Edinburgh Review, at various times, but especially in an elaborate article in the number for January, 1844, (vol. lxxix., p. 189,) took the same view of what was required to give peace to Ireland. We doubt not the sincerity and good intentions of the whigs. But their mode of redressing the grand Irish grievance will not do. They wished to pension the Romish priests, and have two church establishments in Ireland. A better way of putting the Catholics and the Episcopalians on a par, would be to have no church establishment in that country. Nothing can be more clear than that either the Roman Catholic religion must be there established, or the Episcopalian church be dis-established. It is to the honor of Lord John Russell and the whigs that they acknowledge the wrong and wish to redress it. Most

Not

quires that all should be endowed or none.
even those sects which are not allowed by others to
be Christians at all, could be fairly excluded. We
trust that the proceedings at the late election in
Edinburgh will receive due attention from the whig
ministers, and that we shall hear no more of pen-
sioning the Catholic priests. Edinburgh is far from
having an extra quantity of bigotry; we believe it
has less than the other large towns of Scotland and
England, London perhaps excepted; and it is not
behind any of them in enlightenment. Yet, if Mr.
Macaulay had denied the intention of endowing the
Catholic religion in less strong terms than he did;
had he said no more to his constituents than Lord
John Russell said in the house of commons in an-
swer to Mr. Thomas Duncombe, he most certainly
would have exchanged places at the poll with Sir
Culling Eardley Smith.

of them probably think the double establishment the | have their religious services paid for by the state, better mode of doing justice; and all of them that were the Catholic religion endowed. Justice reit is the more practicable. There we believe them to be mistaken. They have not taken sufficient account of either the religion or the bigotry of the people of England and Scotland. Any attempt to pension the Romish priests would be instantly fatal to the whigs, or to any ministry. Their generous purpose must needs be abandoned. Its avowal at any time was a great imprudence. Mr. Macaulay, at his meetings with his constituents, found it necessary to disclaim all intention of paying the Irish priests; and to assure his hearers, that if the ministry to which he belongs had contemplated such a measure, he would not have joined them. Lord John Russell, also, in his exposition in the house of commons, of the ministerial intentions, declares that although "he retains his opinions with respect to Roman Catholic endowment, he does not think it necessary that he should urge these opinions at present; for he should be doing that which he must confess at the present moment to be impracticable." Impracticable, no doubt, at the present moment; impracticable, we believe, at any future time and as improper as impracticable, there being another way of doing justice between Catholic and Episcopalian. To that other and better way, we recommend the whigs to turn their attention. Although it, too, at the present moment, may be impracticable, public opinion is taking that direction; and it may, before long, be as practicable as it is just.

It seems strange that, supposing the religious and the bigoted feelings of the British people would permit the pensioning of the Catholic priests, sensible men should believe that such a measure would remove Catholic discontents. The Catholics cannot forget that to their church belonged the chapels, revenues, and dignities now occupied by another church. Yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that they might be quite contented with an equality with the adherents of the rival sect, by the abolition of the present establishment; and not aspire to attain their original ascendency. But with less than equality, how can it be supposed the Catholics would be contented? And what equality would there be, if the Episcopal church were allowed to retain all, or nearly all its present possessions, and the Catholic church were merely to obtain pensions for its priests, with perhaps a number of cheap and inelegant chapels built for them? Could the Catholic priests be contented with the very moderate stipends proposed for them by The Edinburgh Review in the article above alluded to, while the Episcopalian clergy had hundreds of pounds for the Catholic tens, and the Episcopalian dignitaries thousands for the Catholic hundreds? It is not possible that the 'Catholics could be satisfied with such a meagre and degrading allotment of state pay; although they might take it as a step towards obtaining more. The cry of Justice to Ireland would soon be raised; and the principle that the Catholic church was entitled to be made a state establishment, having been admitted, the inequality of the two establishments would be utterly without defence. After working together for a few years, with anything but harmony and brotherly love, the rival establishments would assuredly get to a state of war for supremacy; a war possibly of more than words.

It must not be forgotten that there are other religious sects in Ireland besides Catholics and Episcopalians. These sects, of course, would require to

In writing as we have done, we do not affect to be disinterested. As friends of religion, and of religious liberty, 'we are opposed to state churches, and do not wish to see the number of our enemies increased. Religion and church are very different things. Religious liberty and church establishments are totally opposed to each other. We know how churchmen of different sects, however antagonistic their respective church establishments may be, are disposed to fraternize, for mutual defence of their respective positions. What sects were more opposed to each other than Episcopalians and Presbyterians? Scorn on the one side was met by detestation on the other. But Episcopacy in England, and Presbyterianism in Scotland, being established, the scorn has diminished, and the detestation has ceased. The English establishment now regards the Scottish with some small measure of respect. It is felt that the former may be one day in danger from the enemies of all establishments. Black prelacy has ceased to be hated by the Scottish establishment, because the latter finds itself already in danger, outnumbered and surrounded by foes who have sworn its destruction, that is, its separation from the state. Let popery be established in Ireland, and the other two establishments will speedily recognize her as a sister; of a different and not over-lovely favor, compared to themselves, but still a daughter of the same lordly family. The friends of religious liberty in Britain, deserted by their Irish allies, would have three enemies to contend with, instead of two, as at present; and although, their cause being that of truth and righteousness, ultimate victory might be certain, it would undoubtedly be postponed to a day comparatively distant.

We hope for good government from the whigs But what security for it have we, under the present reform act, when the country shall be delivered over to whig rule for seven long years of a new parliament? None but that of public opinion, and the possibility of some new league for giving effect to it. But such monster associations are not the proper remedy for misgovernment. They are difficult, laborious, and costly; and would be highly objectionable, were they not necessary, owing to the deficiency of the proper constitutional remedy. All who desiderate civil and religious liberty, must wish for other and more regular and easily-working means of letting the popular will be imperatively felt.

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THE PHYSIOLOGY OF FLOGGING.-Amid the storm of indignant correspondence which has been extorted by the horror with which a recent fatal instance of this disgraceful practice has filled the public mind, the following letter, addressed to the Times, is so significant, that we feel called upon to assist its argument by bringing it under the notice of our own readers. Such new and striking light is thrown by its propositions, and by the evidence of Mr. Erasmus Wilson given at the coro-

Travers, &c., for examples of internal disease, especially inflammation of the lungs, induced by severe accidents or operations; but, if this be true in regard to the tissues in general, it is specially so in respect to the skin. The great fact is, that as exposure to a current of air, so a burn, and so a flogging, may induce disease-lingering disease and death."-Athenæum.

THE COPPER REGION.-The stories which reach almost daily, startle our credulity; and were it not us from the copper region on Lake Superior, that we have ourself seen some of these large masses of native copper, we should find it difficult to credit them, however well authenticated. A Lake Superior, thus writes from Detroit, on the gentleman from Zanesville, now on his way to 28th of May, to the Zanesville Courier-" The explorations on Lake Superior prove that it is, beyond compare, the richest copper region in the world; and four or five veins have, thus far, been discovered which contain silver in sufficient quantities to render the mining highly profitable. Some of the copper ores carry with them 10 per cent. of silver; which would make its commercial

The explorations during the past winter, I learn, have been highly satisfactory. One day last week,

a boat took down about 50,000 dollars' worth of copper and silver ore belonging to the Pittsburgh Company, destined for the Boston Market. The Boston and Lake Superior Company (Eagle River) have struck a vein which is represented to be very rich in silver. The Copper Falls Company, you will recollect, uncovered a mass of native copper, last winter, some 13 feet in length-which proved work. The Eagle Harbor Company, on the ada very serious obstacle to the prosecution of their joining location, have met with an obstacle still more serious. They have come to a mass of native copper, which serves as a brazen barrier to all further operations-at least for the present. They have drifted' longitudinally about 90 feet, about four feet in places without finding its depth. without finding its length; they have sunk down Its average thickness is about 18 inches! The

ner's inquest, on the barbarity of this revolting species of punishment, that there is every hope of their, at length, compelling an abandonment of a usage which-like some others that have lingered amongst us in spite of all our boasted civilization -would be a reproach to a nation of savages. Through the length and breadth of England, we will venture to believe, that the disgusting details of this military execution have been read by no man without the throb of indignation and the blush of shame. If the use of torture be essential to the maintenance of discipline in the army, it were bet ter and more humane to release from the Tower some of those horrid instruments which have been hung up there for the execration of ages, and reg-value between 4,000 and 5,000 dollars per ton. ulate the comparative dignities of colonel, and sergeant, and private, by means of the thumb-screw "It may seem very hard if I say that the effect of flogging is not fully appreciated even in my own, the medical profession. But I have studied the subject, and I beg to send you a few medical hints upon it. Every lash, like every other kind of laceration or cutting, affects the power of the heart. A patient sometimes never rallies from the effect of a severe accident, (such was the case with Mr. Huskisson,) or a severe surgical operation. But this is not all. The skin, which some persons seem to think may be treated like an inorganic substance, has a special relation with the internal organs-1. A current of air falling partially on the surface is sufficient, by its action on the skin, and the sympathy of this, through the ganglionic system, with the internal organs, to induce inflammation of the lungs, or of the heart, or of the membranes which cover these organs. 2. The same event occurs from burns or scalds. 3. The same event occurs from flogging. It is not the extent of the infliction merely which is to be considered; much depends on the peculiarity of the constitution. The healthy are less affected than the unhealthy, the sober than the drunken. But any person may, as the effect of any of the inflictions to which I have adverted, become diseased diseased for life, or diseased unto death; and no man -no medical person-can tell, à priori, who is to suffer or who is to escape. Flogging is not to be treated of, then, as a thing skin-deep. Many a soldier whom it was only intended to flog has been slain, unknown even to the inflicter of the punish-I ment; for, as I have said, the medical bearings of the subject have not been duly investigated. It is somewhat singular that those persons who seem to bear a surgical operation best are precisely those whom it affects the most, and most dangerously. There are, besides, what we call idiosyncrasies, or THE Turkish government has just ordered the peculiarities, which, besides the fact of ill-health establishment at Constantinople and Smyrna of a or bad habits, render an infliction which might body of firemen. This step is a victory over the generally be borne without risk most dangerous. doctrine of fatalism of the Turks, which enjoins In the tendency to disease of the brain, in disease them to remain inactive when a fire breaks out. of the heart, flogging would be dangerous; and In order, however, that the object of the governthis punishment has actually induced epilepsy and ment may be fully carried out, the new corps of tetanus (or locked jaw.) I may refer to the writ-firemen is to be composed of Armenians and Jews. ings of the late Mr. Rose and Sir C. Bell, of Mr.-Morning Chronicle.

mass thus far uncovered is estimated at about 90

tons; and its commercial value, when raised and almost incredible, and yet it is literally true. smelted, will exceed 25,000 dollars. This seems tions can compare with this. The Ontanagon Nothing in the previous history of mining operacopper rock, weighing about two tons, was regarded as one of the wonders of the world; and yet, between that mass and this, the difference is as great as between a mustard-seed shot and a cannon ball. The company propose erecting a steam engine for the purpose of sawing this immense saw some of the fragments or rough strings,' mass into blocks, and thus raising it from the mine. that were cut off from the exterior; and, with the exception of an occasional admixture of spar, it resembled more the product of the furnace than the

mine."-Toronto Patriot.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 123.-19 SEPTEMBER, 1846.

From the North British Review.

1. Memoirs of the Pretenders and their Adherents. By JOHN HENEAGE JESSE. 2 vols. London,

1845.

2. Memoirs of the Jacobites of 1715 and 1745. By MRS. THOMSON. 3 vols. London, 1845-6. 3. Memoir of Prince Charles Stuart, commonly called the Young Pretender, with Notices of the Rebellion in 1745. By CHARLES LOUIS KLOSE, Esq. 2 vols. London, 1845.

have disappeared from the stage of existing politics. It still, however, exists to plague us. Though not as an active principle, capable of practical application, by the reëstablishment of the Stuarts, it has been made the foundation of speculative opinions, which tear up by the root the princisentimentality which misleads the judgment by ples of constitutional government, and of a whining arousing the sensibilities of the heart. The calamities of the wars of ambition are effaced by a year of peace; those of the wars of opinion, political or TWENTY years ago, James Hogg published the religious, make a profounder impression, since lyrical poetry of the Jacobites, which was fast re- they touch at the core the principles on which sociceding from us, as each year carried off another ety is based. Accustomed, therefore, to the imand another of the stragglers who had been out in mortality of party-finding, not in the glens merely the '45. He did service to literature and the but in the crowded cities, the spirit of the coveworld, by fixing down forever so many exquisite nanters still animating their descendants, and the lyrics, which constitute the most enduring record principles of the puritans the principles of English of the feelings and the misfortunes of the extinct descent-it were strange if a great party like the party who composed them. With the natural lean-Jacobites, so resolute in their schemes, so generous ings of an editor to his subject, he found genius in every poem, and looked at Jacobitism in such a manner, that the extinction of the Stuarts alone prevented the authorities from asking an interview Be it from conviction, or from morbid sentimenwith the Shepherd, on the application of the trea- tality, or as a bookselling speculation, we have been son laws. But though the arm of the law was favored by Mrs. Thomson and Mr. Jesse with two paralyzed, the police of literature-the critics-books filled with the most rampant Jacobitism. were in their prime. The Edinburgh Review pounced upon the unhappy author and his book, and dragged before a court of whig jurisdiction the compiler, who, by covert hints, and often by direct statement, advocated the exploded doctrines of the exiled family, and thus blackened the memory of the whigs, who had done it all. Hogg is termed everything but a man of sense; and the poetry it-rection. self is classed among the fugitive political squibs, which, like the ephemerides, should die on the day

of birth.

in their sacrifices, so ardent in their devotion, had passed away without leaving on society an impression of their existence.

This would be pleasant reading now, were it not the germinating false principles, and the giving assistance to a party who wish to roll back the free opinions of the revolution. The phantoms of hereditary right and ecclesiastical supremacy, which had long slept quietly in their graves, have astonished the world by the tale of their strange resur

Under another name, every doctrine against which our fathers protested, and for the enforcement of which the Stuarts fell, has been made the subject of elaborate eulogy. Thus the departed great are robbed of their reward, and sentimental historians and tractarian polemics destroy, by distinctions and exceptions, all political morality and all constitutional freedom.

Times are changed, indeed, when the doctrines which Scott could just insinuate, and for mildly asserting which Hogg endured martyrdom, have been urged in four octavo volumes with an earnestness that could not be surpassed, though the restoration Yet the three works which have just appeared of the Stuarts were yet attainable. We had on the history of Jacobitism are an agreeable accesthought that Jacobitism had died away, even amid sion to our literature. They give the history of the scenes which cradled it into youth, and saw the the empire subsequent to the revolution; they brief triumphs of its maturity. In the mixed and do it, too, in the form the most engaging and invariegated shades of modern party, we had ima- structive. Memoirs increase the interest, by indigined that the search would be in vain for the prin- vidualizing the narrative, and centring the attenciples of our Jacobite fathers. Their gallant tion on a single object. Painting men in dishabille achievements and their heroic deaths came to us -exhibiting them in their retirement-associating through the cold medium of history, or in the us with the history of their private life, in those plaintive melody of Jacobite song. Time was moments when nature speaks-these writings credoing its usual duty of reducing heroes to ordinary ate an interest always superior to that of history, proportions, and the romance of the '45 ran the which hampers itself but little with details, and elerisk of an eclipse. Even the long list of terrible vates its heroes upon a pedestal. We see the past proscriptions which swept over a ruined party, ex-more fully than was ever wished by the men whose tinguishing ancient families, and changing the very names of the districts that for ages had belonged to them, had been forgotten, under the benign civilization which has followed the consolidation of the throne of the house of Brunswick.

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doings constitute public history-we can unravel the secret motives and outrageous pretensions of an age divided from ours by a hundred years, and as each rotten reputation is dug up from the ruins of this moral Herculaneum, we find many an illusion vanishing as to character and actions.

We do not mean to say that the important period of fifty-seven years, from the revolution to the last rebellion, has found historians full in all things, in

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