"He was the second furnished other instances. doctrines of religion are placed on the same foundation of belief with the knowledge we obtain from the highest human testimony or our own experience, and with the conclusions of mathematical science. The idealist, when he has most successfully argued that we have no proof of the existence of matter, does not the less trust his house on the solid foundation of the earth. The wildest Humeist did not really doubt that Cæsar once lived in Rome-that the sun will rise to-morrowthat the square of the hypothenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the opposite sides. In all these matters man is satisfied to act upon the knowledge arising from testimony, experience, and mathematical demonstration; and he need not wonder or complain that he has no higher or clearer knowledge of the truths of religion than" character," which, not in his hand, but "corthe highest that his mind is capable of. The criticism of Hume's "Treatise" in the Review called "The History of the Works of the Learned," is such a mixture of censure and sarcasm, with a prognostication of future fame, that it has been thought to be the joint contribution of two authors. The anecdote of Hume's violent rage on occasion of it, and his attacking the unlucky publisher sword in hand, was not printed till after his death ("London Rev.," v., p. 200.) Mr. Burton disbelieves it, and has brought sufficient reasons for his discredit of so improbable a story. -(p. 111.) 66 On his return from this expedition, of which he left an account or defence in MS., now printed, Hume returned for a time to Ninewells-the ancient seat of his family-in Berwickshire; and his biographer, seeing no traces of his occupation there, fills the gap with a few scraps from his memorandum book, both of prose and verse. A rected here and there by him," is suggested to be his own, has the following touches : "1. A very good man, the constant purpose of whose life is to do mischief. "2. Fancies he is disinterested because he substitutes vanity in place of all other passions. "4. Licentious in his pen, cautious in his words, still more so in his actions. "7. Exempt from vulgar prejudices, full of his own. 13. An enthusiast without religion, a philosopher who despairs to attain truth.' -(p. 226.) If this, with other parts of the same exercise, could really be established as at any time Hume's estimate of himself, it would indeed be very curious-and no doubt the article about vanity tallies well with an anecdote quoted in our last number from the "Lives of the Lindsays;" but we confess that we cannot but think, if intended for a character of him, it is the work of another; if drawn by himself, it is his estimate of another. The verses we may pass by, with still more unconcern. Most of them are apocryphal, and none of them worth fathering. In 1748 he was again secretary with General St. Clair, in the mission of espionage to Vienna and Turin. He writes to Oswald: The Essays, Moral and Political," were published in 1742. "The work," says Hume, "was favorably received, and soon made me entirely forget my former disappointment. I continued with my mother and brother in the country, and in that time recovered the knowledge of the Greek language, which I had too much neglected in my early youth." He soon, however, removed to Edinburgh, and among his first appearances is an endeavor to obtain the professorship of moral philosophy in that university, about Christmas in 1744. His friends had some influence with the town council, who by a strange arrangement are the patrons, (how would the heads of houses" like to sit under the direction and patronage of the "I have got an invitation from General St. Clair, mayor and aldermen of Oxford?) but the bailies to attend him in his new employment at the court bethought them of the "avisamentum" of the of Turin, which I hope will prove an agreeable, if Presbytery of Edinburgh, and in April, 1745, ap-not a profitable jaunt for me. I shall have an opporpointed another to the vacant chair of Ethics. tunity of seeing courts and camps; and if I can Passing over Hume's attendance on Lord Annan-afterwards be so happy as to attain leisure and dale, an unhappy nobleman who, among more serious frenzies, had a rage for literature and fancied a literary "keeper"-a chapter in the philosopher's life which we think has been unnecessarily dwelt upon and turning with some slight disgust from the bickerings of interested connections and Hume's pertinacious claim of 757. instead of 371. 10s, which he pressed first by the influence of his friends, and then by threats of law; we come to an event that had much influence on his future life. In 1746 (ann. ætat. 35) he was invited to act as secretary to General St. Clair, who was going in command of an expedition intended for Canada, but ultimately sent "to seek adventures" on the coast of France, and which resulted in the unhappy and ill-managed attempt at Quiberon Bay. "Such a romantic adventure and such a hurry I have not heard of before. The office is very genteel-ten shillings a day, perquisites, and no expenses. He wrote a journal of his tour, in letters to his (p. 208.) The general upon whom Hume attended brother, which are chiefly remarkable for the abis not known for any feats of arms, but has a dis-sence of all taste for the beauty of nature or pleastinction of a different kind, and one of which Scot-ure in the associations of romance. The Rhine land, with all its caution and alleged coldness, has was to him no more than any other river. "I other opportunities, this knowledge may even turn to account to me, as a man of letters, which, I confess, has always been the sole object of my ambition. I have long had an intention, in my riper years, of composing some history; and I question not but some greater experience in the operations of the field, and the intrigues of the cabinet, will be requisite, in order to enable me to speak with judgment upon these subjects. But, notwithstanding of these flattering ideas of futurity, as well as the present charms of variety, I must confess that I left home with infinite regret, where I had treasured up stores of study and plans of thinking for many years. I am sure I shall not be so happy as I should have been had I prosecuted these. But, in certain situations, a man dares not follow his own judgment or refuse such offers as thesc."-(p. 236.) think," he says, "it is as broad as from the foot of your house to the opposite banks of the river." A castle in ruins-Drachenfels or Rolandseckwas not worthy even of notice; a Gothic church was a barbarisin; and he has left a letter descriptive of Cologne, in which the cathedral is not named. To be sure, he kissed (figuratively) the native earth of Virgil at Mantua; but Virgil was part of his creed. He is delighted by no charms of scenery, excited by no recollections older than the battle of Dettingen; and yet he travelled up the Rhine and down the Danube; through Styria, Carinthia, and the Tyrol; by the Laco di Garda to Mantua; through Lombardy to Turin. But from Dan to Beersheba he found all barren. On his return to Britain in 1749, his mother was dead; but he continued to live at Ninewells till his brother's marriage, two years later, when he turned in his mind various plans for an independent establishment, counting the cost with his accustomed caution. He was now forty. His happy, cheerful nature, and his manly spirit of independence are brought out strikingly in the following letter (June, 1751) to the same friend to whom he confided his earliest dreams of pastoral happiness and philosophy. "I might perhaps pretend, as well as others, to complain of fortune; but I do not, and should condemn myself as unreasonable if I did. While interest remains as at present, I have 50l. a year, a hundred pounds worth of books, great store of linens and fine clothes, and near 1007. in my pocket; along with order, frugality, a strong spirit of independency, good health, a contented humor, and an unabating love of study. In these circumstances I must esteem myself one of the happy and fortunate; and so far from being willing to draw my ticket over again in the lottery of life, there are very few prizes with which I would make an exchange. After some deliberation, I am resolved to settle in Edinburgh, and hope I shall be able with these revenues to say with Horace Est bona librorum et provisae frugis in annum Copia. Besides other reasons which determine me to this resolution, I would not go too far away from my sister, who thinks she will soon follow me; and in that case, we shall probably take up house either in Edinburgh, or the neighborhood. And as she (my sister) can join 301. a year to my stock, and brings an equal love of order and frugality, we doubt not to make our revenues answer. Dr. Clephane, who has taken up house, is so kind as to offer me a room in it; and two friends in Edinburgh have made me the same offer. But having nothing to ask or solicit at London, I would not remove to so expensive a place: and am resolved to keep clear of all obligations and dependencies, even on those I love the most. "In fulfilment of the design thus announced, he tells us in his own life,' In 1751, I removed from the country to the town, the true scene for a man of letters."-Vol. i., p. 342. While he was abroad, in 1748, there had issued from the London press Hume's "Inquiry concerning Human Understanding," a re-cooked dish of the old "Treatise of Human Nature," with the addition of his "Essay on Miracles" (which, in the opinion of Mr. Burton, would have been less offensive with a different title;) and during his residence at Ninewells he had amused himself with composing a few personal and political squibs with which he was mightily pleased-very laborious endeavors at drollery, most dull joking they are! (pp. 308, 317.) In 1751 he published the " Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals," which Mr. Burton styles "the full development of his utilitarian system;" and which, says Hume, "in my own opinion (who ought not to judge on that subject) is of all my writings, historical, philosophical, or literary, incomparably the best. It came unnoticed and unobserved into the world." It We wish Mr. Burton had used another word than Utilitarian for Hume's ethical system. smacks too strong of the school which seeks to prove its originality by deforming our language. The "Inquiry" is anything but a complete system but it is a very pleasing book. We are not so often roused to question the author's positions, perhaps because there is less to prove, and it is more animated in style than his earlier work. It is not in its main doctrine new, though the mode of treatment gives it that appearance; it would be indeed a reproach to philosophy to admit, that now for the first time it taught that all the kind affections and feelings, all the benevolent acts, all the better parts of our nature, are useful to society. If Hume could complain that the "Inquiry" can.e unnoticed into the world, it was not so with the next production of his brain, his "Political Discourses," "the only work of mine that was successful on the first publication. It was well received abroad and at home." Of these Essays Lord Brougham has said, that "they combine almost every excellence which can belong to such a performance:" they exhibit certainly clear reasoning, learning, happy choice of subjects, elegance, precision, and vigor of language; nor can the writer's originality be denied, or that here we have the introduction of a new and widely influential system of politics and political economy. They were successful in Britain, and immediately and repeatedly translated into French; and indeed acquired in that country for themselves and for their author much more popularity than he enjoyed at home. An unsuccessful attempt of Hume to obtain the moral philosophy chair in the University of Glasgow-where Edmund Burke is said also to have been a defeated candidate—and a successful struggle for the office of librarian to the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh, are both crowded into this eventful year of Hume's life. His triumph as to the librarianship produced a letter to his friend Dr. Clephane, which we wish we had room to give entire, for it affords curious glances into the then state of opinion and feeling in the northern metropolis. "Nothing since the rebellion has ever so much engaged the attention of this town, except Provost Stewart's trial; and there scarce is a man whose friendship or acquaintance I would desire, who has not given me undoubted proofs of his concern and regard. "What is more extraordinary, the cry of religion could not hinder the ladies from being violently my partisans, and I owe my success in a great measure to their solicitations. One has broke off all commerce with her lover, because he voted against me! and W. Lockhart, in a speech to the faculty, said that there was no walking the streets, nor even enjoying one's own fireside, on account of their importunate zeal. The town says, that even his bed was not safe for him, though his wife was cousin-german to my antagonist. "The whole body of cadies* brought flambeaux, and made illuminations to mark their pleasure at my success; and next morning I had the drums and town music at my door, to express their joy, as they said, of my being made a great man. They could not imagine that so great a fray could be raised about so mere a trifle. "About a fortnight before, I had published a Discourse of the Protestant Succession, wherein I had very liberally abused both whigs and tories: yet I enjoyed the favor of both parties. "Such, dear Doctor, is the triumph of your friend; yet, amidst all this greatness and glory, even though master of 30,000 volumes, and possessing the smiles of a hundred fair ones, in this very pinnacle of human grandeur and felicity, I east a favorable regard on you, and earnestly desire your friendship and good-will: a little flattery, too, from so eminent a hand, would be very acceptable to me. You know you are somewhat in my debt in that particular. The present I made you of my Inquiry was calculated both as a mark of my regard, and as a snare to catch a little incense from you. Why do you put me to the necessity of giving it to myself?"-p. 371. Another letter to the same person (January, 1753) has the following charming picture of a cheerful and contented mind : "I shall exult and triumph to you a little, that I have now at last-being turned of forty, to my own honor, to that of learning, and to that of the present age-arrived at the dignity of being a householder. About seven months ago I got a house of my own, and completed a regular family; consisting of a head, viz., myself, and two inferior members, a maid and a cat. My sister has since joined me, and keeps me company. With frugality I can reach, I find, cleanliness, warmth, light, plenty, and contentment. What would you have more? Independence? I have it in a supreme degree. Honor? that is not altogether wanting. Grace that will come in time. A wife? that is none of the indispensable requisites of life. Books? that is one of them; and I have more than I can use. In short, I cannot find any blessing of consequence which I am not possessed of, in a greater or less degree; and without any great effort of philosophy, I may be easy and satisfied. "As there is no happiness without occupation, I have begun a work which will employ me several years, and which yields me much satisfaction. 'Tis a History of Britain, from the Union of the Crowns to the present time. I have already finished the reign of King James. My friends flatter me (by this I mean that they don't flatter me) that I have succeeded. You know that there is no post of honor in the English Parnassus more vacant than that of history. Style, judgment, impartiality, care-everything is wanting to our historians; and even Rapin, during this latter period, is extremely deficient. I make my work very concise, after the manner of the ancients. It divides into three very moderate volumes: the one to end with the death of Charles the First; the second at the Revolution: the third at the Accession, for I dare come no nearer the present times. The work will neither please the Duke of Bedford nor James Fraser but I hope it will please you and posterity. Κτήμα εἰς ἀεὶ. "So, dear Doctor, after having mended my pen, *A privileged body of street porters-amusingly described in "Humphry Clinker." and bit my nails, I return to the narration of parliamentary factions, or court intrigues, or civil wars, and bid you heartily adieu."-p. 377. This is the first intimation of his great undertaking; but before adverting further to it we willingly turn to glance at Hume's correspondents, and the society among which he was now living. Hume's early friends (several of whom were, we believe, his relations) the St. Clairs, Baron Mure, Oswald, Lord Glasgow, all of them men of great intelligence-Sir Gilbert Elliot, whose letters confirm all our previous impressions of his admirable sense and accomplishment-were of such rank and connections as would have secured his admission to the highest circles of the metropolis of Scotland, so far as his fortune enabled him to live in them. One of his intimates, and, as we have understood, a very frequent correspondent, was Patrick Lord Elibank-commonly known as "the clever Lord :" but of letters to that remarkable person the R.S.E. collection has afforded no valuable specimen-and we see but one from his lordship to Hume-a noticeable blank. His military expedition had thrown him into the intimacy of several other persons of a different class, but with whom the philosopher assimilated with perfect ease, and continued to live on terms of even greater familiarity than with the civilians of his early correspondence. Abercrombie, Edmonstone, and Erskine were all soldiers of good birth, and of sufficient standing in their profession to secure their position in the best society. Another correspondent with whom he seems to have become acquainted in the Quiberon expedition, was Dr. John Clephane, to whom some of the most entertaining letters in this work are addressed. Clephane was, like Hume himself, a Scotchman of family but no fortune, who had turned an unusually good education to account, first as a travelling tutor to several young English noblemen, and latterly as a practising physician in London. He was a very accomplished person, the friend and adviser of Dr. Mead in forming his collections of ancient and foreign art. But he never neglected his profession, and bid fair to rise high in it if he had not been prevailed upon to accept of a medical appointment in the expeditions against the coast of France in 1758, where he died. Fortunately he had the habit of preserving his papers; and it is from a mass of varied correspondence with Italian virtuosi and eminent persons of Paris, that these letters of Hume are selected. Though the town of Edinburgh was so different, the composition and tone of its society, in the middle of last century, was not unlike what it is known to be at the present day. There was the same body of the country squirearchy, with however a much larger sprinkling of the nobility, who had not then got inured to London life. There were the same literary lawyers and scientific doctors. There was perhaps more claret drunk, certainly more drunk in clubs and taverns-for the general narrowness of domestic accommodation as well as of fortune prescribed a very moderate indulgence of social domestic intercourse. The ladies were not, perhaps, in general so well educated as their great-grand-daughters; but there was much easy, unexpensive, and yet refined society up those high "common stairs," in the "closes," and " wynds," where a modern lawyer's fine lady would find it impossible to breathe. One element there was which is now, we be 256 lieve, quite wanting-a considerable admixture of | are two letters which throw light upon the for- bearance exercised by those men of opposite prin- were very friendly towards me, I own I never re- The next is part of a letter to Hume from Dr. Campbell, the author of a well received and able answer to his "Essay on Miracles:" The Presbyterian establishment is in not a few respects singular among the churches of Christendom. The incitements of their clergy to study, and its rewards, have, from a very early period at least, been few and mean; and the people, interdicting to the clergy, as they do to women, all scholastic learning, seem to have had a prejudice against any accomplishments in their ministers except those of the pulpit. This brought it about that the establishment, which has in all periods produced as exemplary working pastors and as effective preachers as any, had before Hume's day become remarkable through Europe as "the un-profession, though I doubt not but your intentions learned church." While this γραμματοφοβία, as Warburton called it, prevailed, the only learning of churchmen was a lay learning; and the only prizes in the lottery were the city churcheswhich benefices were additionally coveted for the chance of holding at the same time a professor's chair in the university. Such combination of ecclesiastical and academical emoluments has within our own time been condemned as interfering with the due discharge of the sacred function: and we believe the practice has been wholly abolished. The results of this reform are not yet of course developed. But it so happened, under the old system, that at the time we are speaking of, the clergy of Edinburgh numbered among them some men as eminent as Scotland has produced, in various branches of intellectual exertion. Among these, Principal Robertson the historian, the leader of the dominant (or Moderate) party in the Kirk, and Dr. Blair, whose lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres were once much esteemed, though he is now chiefly remembered by his sermons, were favorite, but by no means preeminent members of the society into which Hume was now admitted. It excited some surprise in various quarters then, and continues to do so, that such clergymen should have consented to live on terms of familiar intercourse with one who held and published doctrines like those of Hume. We do not wish to enter into that "There is in all controversy a struggle for vicquestion on this occasion: if Mr. Burton's work may be relied on as a complete authority, and we tory, which I may say compels one to take every know of little in opposition to it on this head, it fair advantage that either the sentiments or the must be our conclusion that the open and avowed words of an antagonist present him with. But the friendship which existed between them, did not at appearances of asperity or raillery, which one will the time and on the spot affect injuriously the pro- be thereby necessarily drawn into, ought not to be fessional reputation and influence of those clergy-construed as in the least affecting the habitual good even the high esteem, which the men, who yet were sufficiently exposed to criticism opinion, or from the conspicuous place they filled, and the writer may nevertheless entertain of his adverThere sary."-p. 119. violence of church parties at the period.* *Robertson had for his coadjutor in his cure the leader of the opposite (or High flying) party of the Kirk. This was Dr. John Erskine, the preacher whom Pleydell took Colonel Mannering to hear on his first visit to Edinburgh -who "had seldom heard so much learning, metaphysical acuteness, and energy of argument brought into the service of Christianity." Dr. Erskine was a divine of the most rigid and severe Calvinistic school; and he was also a nobly descended gentleman of the purest truth and honor. Robertson and he were, through life, opposed on all questions of church government and politics; yet they spent their days in the common duties of their ministry "25th June, 1762. "The testimony you are pleased to give in favor of my performance, is an honor of which I should be entirely unworthy, were I not sensible of the uncommon generosity you have shown in giving it. Ever since I was acquainted with your works, your talents as a writer have, notwithstandBut I could ing some differences in abstract principles, extorted from me the highest veneration. scarce have thought that, in spite of differences of a more interesting nature, even such as regards Yet no religious morals and religion, you could ever force me to love and honor you as a man. prejudices (as you would probably term them) can hinder me from doing justice to that goodness and candor which appear in every line of your letter. It is more pleasing to look on this society in another light. Hume's success in letters was the beginning of the brilliant period of Edinburgh literature. Before him no Scotchman had done anything to redeem his country from the provincialism into which the union had cast it. He had set his ambition on two roads of literary distinction, and with mutual respect, and Erskine lived to preach a funeral sermon bearing testimony to the high merit of his friend, colleague, and rival. he was eminently successful in both. He was fol-1 bell and Gerard, as well as Dr. Gregory, return lowed in his philosophical career by his friend their compliments to you respectfully. A little Adam Ferguson; and, with greater influence and philosophical society here, [Aberdeen,] of which fame, by their common friend Adam Smith. Rob- all the three are members, is much indebted to you ertson for a season divided the opinions of the for its entertainment. Your company would, alworld with Hume in the field of history; and a though we are all good Christians, be more acswarm of lesser aspirants were cherished into life ceptable than that of St. Athanasius; and since we by their success. To all these ardent sons of let- cannot have you upon the bench, you are brought ters Hume was the kind and generous encourager. oftener than any other man to the bar, accused and There was no petty jealousy in his nature. He not defended with great zeal, but without bitterness. If only supported Blacklock, the poor blind poet, you write no more in morals, politics, or metaphyand John Home, the author of "Douglas," but he sics, I am afraid we shall be at a loss for subjects." took pleasure and gloried in each new success of -p. 155. friends whom he felt to be no mean rivals in his own walk; and he lived on terms of entire confidence and the most playful intimacy with men whose names and works will live as long as his. When Robertson was preferred for the office of Historiographer, with a salary which then would have fulfilled Hume's utmost ambition, he gave way to no envious complainings. We learn from a note of Dr. Carlyle, that "Honest David Hume, with a heart of all others that rejoices most at the prosperity of his friends, was certainly a little hurt with this last honor conferred on Robertson," (vol. ii., p. 164.) There are too few instances of such society to pass this over without notice. Hume writes to Robertson (1758) on the publication of his "History of Scotland :" Hume was now installed in the Advocates' Library, writing, currente calamo, his great work. We have noticed the first announcement of the undertaking in a letter of January, 1753-by which time he had done the reign of James I.; and we have the author chanting jamque opus exegi, on the 1st of September, 1754, (p. 397.) In so short a space was composed the first volume, and the most important one, of that history which, as he himself pleasantly said-" only displeased all the whigs-and all the tories-and all the Christians," and which has continued to be read ever since by all the three classes, and by all the world. subject is interesting, and one or two points, we think, have not been rightly considered. 66 Of the merits and faults of Hume's "History of England," of the reasons of its short coming, the "I am diverting myself with the notion how causes of its success, and the extent of its influmuch you will profit by the applause of my ene-ence, perhaps enough has been written; but the mies in Scotland. Had you and I been such fools as to have given way to jealousy, to have entertained animosity and malignity against each other, and to have rent all our acquaintance into parties, what a noble amusement we should have exhibited to the blockheads, which now they are likely to be disappointed of! All the people whose friendship or judgment either of us value, are friends to both, and will be pleased with the success of both, as we will be with that of each other."-Vol. ii., p. 49. We heartily agree with our author-"There is no passage in literary history, perhaps, more truly dignified than the perfect cordiality and sincere interchange of services between two men whose claims on the admiration of the world came in so close competition with each other." (Vol. ii., p. 42.) Even the philosophical party most opposed to Hume were won by his placid and courteous reception of their works. Reid, their leader, (a clergyman also, by the way,) acknowledges his "candor and generosity towards an antagonist;" and concludes a remarkable letter, in which he avows himself Hume's "" disciple in metaphysics," with the following words : "When you have seen the whole of my performance, I shall take it as a very great favor to have your opinion upon it, from which I make no doubt of receiving light, whether I receive conviction or no. Your friendly adversaries, Drs. Camp The earliest of Hume's writings, in his biograper's opinion, is an Essay on Chivalry," (p. 19,) which is remarkable chiefly for the choice of the subject by a writer who cannot sympathize with or even allow for any of the peculiar feelings on which the whole fabric of chivalry was founded. He could never read Froissart; he despised him; everything of romance was only so much of barbarism. Gothic architecture, the churches and castles of an early time, were monuments of dark superstition and brutal tyranny, in whose history he took no delight. He contemned the people of medieval Europe, and all their institutions. The clergy were ruthless bigots, or brazen impostors, domineering intriguers, or lazy voluptuaries-the laity fierce and ignorant savages. He saw nothing admirable in man but high-dressed civilization, and he could not even condescend to trace its history and progress to a ruder age. He was, though but a slender classical scholar, a classicist beyond reason and all modern belief. Though he tried to It recover his Greek," he had no idea of any poetry beyond the smooth and high-polished Æneid. is fortunate that Burns came too late to disturb his equanimity. Scott would have driven the philosopher mad. Wilkie's "Epigoniad" (which of our readers has tried to read it?) he considered "full of sublimity and genius,' (ii., p. 25.) Writing of Home's first tragedy before he had seen it, he * Our readers will find some information about this gen- says, "It is very likely to meet with success, and tleman, the once celebrated minister of Musselburgh, and not to deserve it; for the author tells me he is a most of the other friends of Hume's Edinburgh circle, in great admirer of Shakspeare, and never read Rathe article on "Mackenzie's Life of John Home," contributed by Sir W. Scott to this Review, (Q. R., vol. xxxvi.,) cine," (p. 316.) But he found he was mistaken, and now included in his "Miscellaneous Prose Works." and he praises "Douglas"-"The author I Mr. Burton seems to think that Dr. Carlyle's Diary, thought had corrupted his taste by the imitation of which Henry Mackenzie had before him when he wrote Shakspeare, whom he ought only to have admired. his account of John Home, has now perished. Much en- But he has composed a new tragedy on the subtertainment might have been expected from it-and we hope Mr. Burton is mistaken; but Baron Hume's examject of invention, and here he appears a true disciple may have influenced the witty Doctor's representa-ple of Sophocles and Racine. I hope in time he will vindicate the English stage from the reproach tires. |