opposition, anything which his own idea of policy | work upon; we answer, that unless those other and law may seem to require, must often be the classes worked upon the raw materials, and suphighest degree of arrogance. It is to erect his own plied the farmer's necessities, he would be forced judgment into the supreme standard of right and to allot part of his labor to this employment, while wrong. It is to fancy himself the only wise and he forced others to assist in raising the rude proworthy man in the commonwealth, that his fellow- duce. In such a complicated system, it is clear creatures should accommodate themselves to him, that all labor has the same effect, and equally inand not to them." (p. 129.) creases the whole mass of wealth. Nor can any We know well that Bentham looked on Brough-attempt be more vain than theirs who would define am as his neophyte; and great indeed was his astonishment when he discovered that his lordship's truly great and original mind was not one to be merged in his own Crambo-system, or to be deceived in the conclusions from it. We know the aged man had the vanity to imagine that the Chancellor of England would exhibit Benthamism even in the courts of highest jurisdiction; we know also he was disappointed to find the chains broken, and the intellectual giant enlarged to his full dimension; and we further know, that the whole of that school and tribe has never ceased to abuse and vilify him whom they could not pen down in their Cimmerian Owlet cavern. He broke from them, for he was not of them. Many passages of this work of Lord Brougham contain curious confessions. His lordship freely owns they hit his former party hard. We give the following: the particular parts of the machine that produce the motion, which is necessarily the result of the whole powers combined, and depends on each one of the mutually connected members. Yet so wedded have those theorists been to the notion, that certain necessary kinds of employment are absolutely unproductive, that a writer of no less name than Dr. Smith, has not scrupled to rank the capital sunk in the public debt, or spent in warfare, in the same class with the property consumed by fire, and the labor destroyed by pestilence. He ought surely to have reflected, that the debts of a country are always contracted, and its wars entered into, for some purpose, either of security or aggrandizement; and that stock thus employed must have produced an equivalent, which cannot be asserted of property or population absolutely destroyed. This equivalent may have been greater or less; that is, the money spent for useful "The leaders of the discontented party seldom purposes may have been applied with more or less fail to hold out some plausible plan of reformation, prudence and frugality. Those purposes, too, may which they predict will not only remove the incon- have been more or less useful; and a certain deveniences and relieve the distresses immediately gree of waste and extravagance always attends the complained of, but will prevent in all coming time operations of funding and of war. But this must any return of the like inconveniences and distresses. only be looked upon as an addition to the necessary They often propose on this account to remodel the price at which the benefits in view are to be bought. constitution, and to alter in some of its most The food of a country, in like manner, may be used essential parts that system of government under with different degrees of economy; and the neceswhich the subjects of a great empire have enjoyed sity of eating may be supplied at more or less cost. perhaps peace, security, and even glory, during So long as the love of war is a necessary evil in the course of several centuries. The great body human nature, it is absurd to denominate the of the party are commonly intoxicated with the expenses unproductive that are incurred by defendimaginary beauty of this ideal system, of which ing a country; or, which is also the same thing, they have no experience, but which has been pre-preventing an invasion, by a judicious attack of an sented to them in all the most dazzling colors in which the eloquence of their leader could display it. The leaders themselves, though they may originally have meant nothing but their own aggrandizement, become many of them in time the dupes of their own sophistry, and are as eager for this great reformation as the weakest and foolishest of their followers. Even though the leaders should have preserved their own heads, as indeed they commonly do, free from this fanaticism, yet they dare not always disappoint the expectations of their followers; but are often obliged, though contrary to their principles and their conscience, to act as if they were under the common delusion." (p. 131.) The mighty work, however, of Adam Smith is. This eminent chemist and philosopher was born as we have mentioned, the " Wealth of Nations." at Paris in 1743. He was of opulent parents, and Of this we have a complete analysis placed before being placed in the Collège Mazarin, attained a us. On this work political economy may be said high classical proficiency. His taste, however, to depend as a science. Dr. Smith's great deduc- conducted him to science, and to its severer forms tion and distinction between productive and unpro-in mathematics and astronomy. Botany soon obductive labor we always thought questionable; and tained his attention. He then extended his view Lord Brougham impeaches his conclusion. Com- to other subjects, and attained such proficiency in mon sense will completely confirm the reasoning so ably set forth by his lordship in the appendix to this life. "All the branches of useful industry work together to the common end, as all the parts of each branch coöperate to its particular object. If you say that the farmer feeds the community, and produces all the raw materials which the other classes enemy; or which is also the same thing, avoiding the necessity of war by a prudent system of foreign policy. And he who holds the labor of soldiers and sailors and diplomatic agents to be unproductive, commits precisely the same error as he who should maintain that the labor of the hedger is unproductive because he only protects and does not rear the crop. All those kinds of labor and employments of stock are parts of the system, and all are equally productive of wealth." (p. 212.) A variety of curious and original letters follow; but we shall not extract from them, as this would be scarcely fair in an unpublished work, and we pass to the next life, the celebrated Lavoisier. various points of scientific investigation, that he was enabled to enter the academy at twenty-five years of age. Geology, then in its infancy, (what is it now?) occupied his attention. He published his earliest paper on the "Analysis of Gypsur Chemistry soon began to command his sole attention. In 1758 and 1759 he experimented largely with a view to ascertain that water may, by e 14 LORD BROUGHAM'S LITERARY CHARACTERS. His paper was to have been read at peated distillations, be converted into earth; and | shall show. Chimie," of May, 1777. He says, that he had a letter from Beccaria, 12th of November, 1774, but that his own memoir was then drawn up, and that an extract only was read at the November session. He The former opinion had been held by Bonde, does not say that the important point of the gases and Margraaf and others; the latter by Stahl. He was then inserted, nor how long before 1777 it negatived both propositions; so that to this phi- was added. He also omits to state a remarkable losopher belongs the triumph of separating the communication that Priestley made to him in component parts of earth and water, and proving October, 1774, of his great discovery of oxygen. that they are not mutually convertible; and the Nor does he mention that Priestley received, in elasticity of water was equally determined by him. 1771-3, the Copley medal from the Royal Society, The young students of chemistry in England for the discovery of azote in 1772. The printed ought to bear in mind, that Lavoisier was occupied paper of Priestley is extant in the Philosophical for one hundred and one days on one of these ex- Transactions. Lavoisier's experiments on tin in periments. For a short period at this time of his 1770, and on minium and calcination of metals in life the attempt to supply Paris with water occu- 1771, could not have given it to him. It is therepied much of his attention. He soon resumed his fore perfectly clear, that the experiments of our chemical pursuits. Black, Cavendish, and Priest-countryman led him to the inference on the atmos"Cet air (oxygen gas) nous avons ley had made numerous discoveries on the nature pheric gases. He says, in the "Elémens de of gases; and Lavoisier was at this period directing his attention to the calcination of metals. He découvert presqu' en même temps, Dr. Priestley, drew from his experiments the inference, that cal- M. Scheele, et moi." The precise time of Dr. cination is caused by the union of air with the Priestley's discovery is quite apparent. Scheele, metal, and not by the loss of any body, as phlogis- ignorant of the doctor's discovery, made the same ton combined with it. He, by this course, nega- in 1775. Priestley and Scheele then did not distived again the Stahlian theory. Lavoisier stood cover it, "presqu' en même temps," far less on the verge of two important discoveries, Lord Lavoisier. In eight separate papers, printed beBrougham justly remarks, at this period-the com- tween 1772 and 1780, not a hint of Lavoisier's position of the atmosphere and oxygen; both, claim to this discovery is apparent. It was only however, were reserved for Priestley. Equally in 1782 he claimed to be a co-discoverer with near was he to the discovery that the diamond is Priestley; but even then he admits the experidentical with pure carbon. The destruction of ments that led to it were performed in February, the diamond by fire, as Lavoisier expressed it, or 1775, and Priestley had announced it in 1774. He the action of heat upon it, he knew well. New- also added in that paper, at first, the remarkable ton, from an opposite process of reasoning, had point that Priestley had discovered oxygen at inferred the combustibility of the diamond; and nearly the same time as himself, and he believes a Macquer had proved that it could be converted into little earlier: " et je crois même avant moi." But charcoal. Lavoisier arrived at the inference, that he ungenerously omits, after a lapse of many the air produced during the combustion of the years, to give Priestley the benefit of his own prediamond was fixed air. How close he was on the vious confession, not inserting in the "Elémens de great discovery that the diamond is pure carbon, Chimie," the words previously given in his paper "We read to the academy in 1782. Priestley's own will appear from the following words: should never have expected," he says, "to find account of the discovery of oxygen is as folany relation between charcoal and diamond, and it lows. It is extracted from his work on Phlogiswould be unreasonable to push this analogy too ton :far; it only exists, because both substances seem to be properly ranged in the class of combustible bodies; and because they are of all these bodies the most fixed, when kept from the contact of air." He adds: "It is far from being impossible, that the blackest matter should come from surrounding bodies, and not from the diamond itself." One step would have shown him that the dia- 66 "The case was this. Having made the discovery of oxygen some time before I was in Paris in the year 1774, I mentioned it at the table of M. Lavoisier, when most of the philosophical people of the city were present, saying that it was a kind of air in which a candle burnt much better than in common air, but I had not then given it any name. At this all the company, and Mr. and Mrs. Lavoisier as much as any, expressed great surprise. I told them I had gotten it from precipitate per se, and also from red lead. Speaking French very imperfectly, and being little acquainted with the terms of chemistry, I said plombe rouge, which was not understood till Mr. Macquer said I must mean minium. M. Scheele's discovery was certainly independent of mine, though, I believe, not made quite so early." We believe Lord Brougham's inference to be irrefutable; and it is only fair to his lordship to say, that the above reasoning is borrowed from the facts elicited by himself, and published in the work before us, viz., that Priestley discovered oxygen in 1774; Scheele in 1775; Lavoisier neither in 1774 nor 1775. It was to this discovery, however, that his theory of combustion is due. Having learnt from the discoverer of oxygen its exist simply asked for a few days' respite to witness the result of some experiments which he had conducted in his confinement; but the tribunal, by the mouth of one of their body, replied, that "the republic had no need of philosophers," and he was executed in May, 1794, with one hundred and twenty-three others. Carnot might and ought to have saved him; Foureroy was bound to do so: one only citizen, M. Hallé, had the courage to read a detailed account of the discoveries of Lavoisier and his services to his country. Carnot and Fourcroy said nothing, and the latter always labored, as Cuvier says in his memoir of him, moting the death of his rival, Lavoisier." If anything could read the nations a lesson on the advantages of fixed government, the horrors enacted by the French revolution in the case of Lavoisier and others would impart it. Learning, science, nobility, art, order, government, age, sex, all lost sight of in the pell-mell of anarchy. This was a power on the Carlyle system certainly, but it was a demon power. Lavoisier left behind him a remarkable person in his wife, who took upon herself the engraving of the plates to the "Elements." She survived him, and late in life married Count Rumford, whom she also outlived. We regret extremely that our limits will not permit us to give the analysis of Lavoisier's discoveries appended to his life. This paper will be found well worthy of deep consideration. We simply extract Lord Brougham's opinion of his merit in the closing paragraph. ence, he arrived at the important generalization I would make him obnoxious, and when sentenced, that it is the acidifying principle, and he named his great rival's discovery oxygen in consequence. At this period, while Lavoisier was occupied on generalizing, as Lord Brougham felicitously observes, the phenomena of other discoverers, but not materially adding to the store of facts from his own, two important points were determined in England, the composition of water and of the nitrous acid. Mr. Cavendish is the undisputed discoverer of the latter; of the former, Cavendish made the great experiment upon which it rests; but Mr. Watt, from less elaborate processes, had drawn out before him the inference that water was not a simple element, but a combination of oxy-"under the torment of the imputation of progen with hydrogen gas. A passage in the New Quarterly, vol. v., p. 451, may possibly not convey a sufficiently balanced judgment on this question, leaving it a divided point between these great men; but the merit of drawing out the inference first, is assuredly Mr. Watt's. Here again, we regret to say, Lavoisier claimed to himself the discovery of other men. But when Lavoisier and Laplace, before several academicians, performed the experiment on which the French claim to this discovery is made, Sir C. Blagden, who was present, told them that Mr. Cavendish had already performed the experiment, and obtained water from the combustion of the two gases. In the summer of 1783 he communicated this discovery to Lavoisier, but he found him incredulous of the fact until he had ascertained it by experiment. This wish of the French chemist is perfectly natural to claim to himself something of the light of the numerous discoveries in his art made in England and elsewhere; but still it is hardly fair, when but at the best reflecting, like a satellite, light from more luminous bodies, to claim to be the source of that light himself. Nay, he was even so ungenerous as not to mention Black in his excellent paper, "On the Combination of Fire with evaporable Fluids, and on the formation of Elastic aeriform Fluids." The author of the "Theory of Latent Heat" is not even named, and every student to whom the papers were read would necessarily infer that the theory was the invention of Lavoisier. He was also well acquainted, we repeat, with the illustrious discoverer of latent heat," which adds to the offence. After 1784 Lavoisier's labors were principally confined to forming the new nomenclature, and, in conjunction with Seguin, to investigations on the nature of respiration and transpiration. In 1776 he had materially aided Turgot, who had requested him to superintend the manufacture of gunpowder, by increasing the explosive force of the compound one fourth. In 1791 the national assembly consulted him, and he drew up his treatise on the "Richesse Territoriale de France." Being appointed a commissioner of the treasury, he introduced some admirable arrangements. His house at Paris and all his costly apparatus were open twice a week to scientific men, and he was a generous patron of youthful merit. Surely, from public with a stock of erudition that might have puzzled services, for the national honor simply, such a man a doctor, and a degree of ignorance of which a of science ought to have been saved amid any com- school-boy ought to have been ashamed." Here, motions; but it was not so. The Triumvirate of singular to say, the historian of the "Decline and 1794 seized him with twenty-seven others, whose Fall" embraced Romanism, but it is quite evident real crimes were their possessions, and imprisoned on much such imperfect grounds as many graduthem. Lavoisier had escaped; but learning that ates there have lately done, for he was not in a M. Paulzé, his father-in-law, had been arrested, state from his acquirements to form a sound conhe gave himself up, and was confined with the clusion. He was accordingly compelled to quit rest. He had long foreseen that his property | Oxford, and his father sent him to Lausanne. The . "After all the deductions, however, which can fairly be made from his merits, these stand high indeed, and leave his renown as brilliant as that of any one who has ever cultivated physical science. The overthrow of the phlogistic theory, and the happy generalizations upon the combinations of bodies, which we owe to his genius for philosophical research, are sufficient to place him among the first, perhaps to make him be regarded as the first reformer of chemical science, the principal founder of that magnificent fabric which now fills so ample a space in the eye of every student of nature." We now proceed to the last life we shall be enabled to treat-Gibbon. This great historian was descended from an ancient Kentish family. His grandfather was a man of large fortune, but it was confiscated from his share in the South Sea Company. From this, however, he recovered, and obtained again a large fortune before his death, in 1736. He left behind him the historian's father, his son, and two daughters. One of these married Mr. Elliot, of Cornwall, afterwards Lord Elliot. Edward was born April 27, 1737. His father sat for Southampton, and continued in Parliament until 1747. Gibbon's childhood was sickly; but he went to Oxford, notwithstanding, before he was fifteen. His early taste for history had already developed itself. He arrived at Oxford, he says, following remarks of Lord Brougham are both | going to Italy, he studied the best classic authors, forcible and just : "In contemplating the account given both by Smith and Gibbon of the great university in which both resided without being instructed, the friend of education feels it gratifying to reflect that the picture which both have left, and the latter especially, finds no resemblance in the Alma Mater of the Hollands, the Cannings, the Carlisles, the Wards, and the Peels. The shades of Oxford under the Jacksons, the Wetherells, the Coplestones, (friendly, learned, honored names, which I delight to bring into contrast with the neglectful tutors of Gibbon,) bear no more resemblance to that illustrious seat of learning in his time, than the Cambridge of the Aireys, the Herschells, the Whewells, the Peacocks, the Gaskins, offers to the Cambridge in which Playfair might afterwards, with justice, lament that the Méchanique Céleste could no longer find readers in the haunts where Newton had once taught, and where his name only was since known." (p. 284.) Italian topography and geography, medals, &c., and went carefully through a long series of archæological writers. In the spring of 1764 he set out for Italy, traversed the principal cities, but remained longest at Rome. The plan of his history first struck him on the 15th of October, while he sat musing in the ruins of the capitol, and barefoot friars were singing vespers in the Temple of Jupiter. He then determined to write the noble story of Rome's decay. We own the association of ideas, from its very mournfulness, would have deterred us from the attempt; but it appears to have been differently felt by Gibbon. In Italy he made the acquaintance of his friend, Lord Sheffield. Like Gibbon's other friends, this nobleman retained a great affection for him to the last. In June, 1765, Gibbon returned to England, and became lieutenant-colonel commandant of the militia. His father died about 1770, when Gibbon resigned his commission. He enjoyed, from the misfortunes, in later life of his father, simply ease and At Lausanne he embraced the Protestant faith, comfortable circumstances. His time was wholly influenced by M. Pavilliard. The five years there his own, and it was principally spent in his library spent were of great value to him. French litera- at Buriton, or in the best society in London. Yet ture occupied much of his attention at that period. he deeply regretted the want of a profession. He He was also most sedulous in his classical pur- at this period planned, in conjunction with Deysuits, carefully perusing the whole of the great verdun, the history of Switzerland. The two Latin authors by the aid of their commentators. friends also planned an annual literary review, and He read the whole of Cicero, for example, with published it in 1767 and 1768. Warburton's hythe Variorum notes of the folio edition of Verbur-pothesis on the 6th Æneis received a caustic reply gius. This curriculum of classic study occupied him twenty-seven months. Few preparations for distinction have been more ample. Here he became enamored of Mademoiselle Curchod, afterwards the wife of the celebrated Necker. His father, however, objected to this match, and he resigned his claim to her hand. The story is somewhat ludicrous of his declaration of love to this lady inducing the bold experiment of throw ing himself at her feet; of his inability to rise, from his bodily weakness, from that position; the lady equally unable to assist him in the dilemma from his immense weight, added to her own emotions we presume, and that the bell was resorted to as a matter of necessity to summon the servants to all the lovers in their delicate dilemma. At Lausanne he added friendship to love, in the acquaintance of Deyverdun. He returned to England in 1759. In 1751 h published his essay "Sur l'Etude de la Littérature." The composition of this work evinces his knowledge of French by composing fluently in that language; but "literature" is, as Lord Brougham remarks, somewhat too vague a term, and has not definitiveness enough about it. The production is aimless. About this time, June, 1759, he joined the Hampshire militia, of which his father was major, and for two years and a half was compelled to follow this irksome life to a scholar. He then paused whether he should betake himself to the study of mathematics or classics; but the latter gained the preeminence. He consequently applied himself to Greek, and the work of the father of poetry, which Scaliger had read in twenty-one days, occupied him as many weeks. He read, however, the whole of the "Ilias" twice in one year, with some books of the "Odyssey" and "Longinus." He had frequently meditated an historical work, and at one time contemplated a history of Florence. Before determining the ultimate subject on which he should concentrate his attention, and anterior to from Gibbon at this period. We extract the following description of his restlessness during this period: Per "Thus there was no want of either study or literary labor to diversify the learned leisure which yet he found so irksome. The contrast is surpassingly remarkable which his description presents to the account which D'Alembert has left us, of the calm pleasures enjoyed by him as long as he confined himself to geometrical pursuits. Shall we ascribe this diversity to the variety of individual character and tastes; or to the difference in the nature of those literary occupations; or, finally, to the peculiarities of French society-affording, as it does, daily occupation too easy to weary, and pleasing relaxation too temperate to cloy? haps partly to each of the three causes, but most of all, to the absorbing nature of the geometrician's studies. It seems certain, however, that no life of mere literary indulgence, of study unmingled with exertions, and with continued, regular exertion, can ever be passed in tolerable contentment; and that if the student has not a regular and, as it were, a professional occupation to fill up the bulk of his time, he must make to himself the only substitute for it, by engaging in some long and laborious work. Gibbon found by experience the necessity of some such resource; and we owe to his sense of it, the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Three years were bestowed upon this work, which was delayed by his return to parliament for Liskeard in 1774. In 1776 the first volume appeared. The style drew down both praise and condemnation. The public voice confirmed the favorable judgment of his friends on its broad merits, and the first edition of 1000 was exhausted in a few days. Bishop Watson appeared among his opponents, and certainly gained the praise of success in his condemnation of the principles embodied in the work. Gibbon published, however, a splendid vindication, of which the Rev. Mr. Milman of the Lisbon inquisition, saying, "he would not at that moment give up any old establishment." Lord Brougham justly remarks, if he censured Burke at times for his excesses, the chivalric ora says justly, "This single discharge from the ponderous artillery of learning and sarcasm laid prostrate the whole disorderly squadron of rash and feeble volunteers who filled the rank of his enemies, while the more distinguished theological tor might well have returned the compliment after writers of the country stood aloof." The second volume followed in two years from the publication of the first. In 1779 he accepted the sinecure post of a lord of trade. In 1780 he lost his seat; but Lord North put him into Lymington, a seat he retained until 1784. The Board of Trade being then abolished, he again retired to Lausanne. After the publication of the third volume, he hesitated whether or not he should terminate his work at that stage. At Lausanne, however, he continued it. He also hesitated whether he should follow the chronological order of events," or "group the picture by nations," and adopted the latter course. He began his work with spirit, finished the fifth volume in two years, the sixth and last in thirteen months. We give again his oft-cited description of the close of his toil. 66 this declaration. Gibbon stayed out the chance of the revolutionary troubles reaching Switzerland; nor would he have quitted Lausanne, had not his friend, Lord Sheffield, written to him for consolation and support, in consequence of the death of his wife. Of the truest source of obtaining these, the brilliant Gibbon was not cognizant; but to do him justice, he was never wanting in human sympathy. He was a great sufferer from severe indisposition. Erysipelas had affected his legs; gout also had attacked him, and besides this, he had an unwieldly rupture, which, singular to say, he had not mentioned to any one. Sheffield-house received him, despite all this, in as short a time as he could reach it. Immediately on his arrival he found it necessary to obtain medical aid, for he had both hydrocele and hernia. An operation for the first was performed, and four quarts of fluid removed. The water formed again: a second operation was necessary; it was performed. A third operation relieved him of six quarts; but he survived it little more than a week. He never believed himself in danger, and spoke of the continuance of his life for many years; and the world is not possessed of Gibbon's last thoughts or words under the contemplation of impending disso "It was, he says, on the day, or rather the night of the 27th June, 1787, between the hours of eleven and twelve, that I wrote the last lines of the last page in the summer-house in my garden. After laying down my pen, I took several walks in a berceau, or covered walk of acacias, which commands a prospect of the country, the lake, and the mountains. The air was temperate, the sky was serene, the silver orb of the moon was reflected from the waters, and all nature was silent. Ilution. He was buried in the vault of the Shefwill not," he adds, "dissemble the first emotions of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and perhaps the establishment of my fame. But my pride was soon humbled and a sober melancholy was spread over my mind, by the idea that I had taken an everlasting leave of an old and agreeable companion, and that whatever might be the future date of my history, the life of the historian must be short and precarious." ("Life," ch. x.) field family, at Hitchin, in Sussex, and Dr. Parr contributed the Latin epitaph to his tomb. It is admirably descriptive of the style of the great historian, which, however meretricious at times, we think Lord Brougham rates somewhat too low. Copiosum, splendidum, concinnum orbe verborum, et summo artificio distinctum orationis genus, reconditæ exquisitæque sententiæ." In the personal character of Gibbon we have to He returned to England to superintend the pub- remark, that, except in the fearful use of irony, lication of the last two volumes, and was fully which always destroys the amenity of the tone of aware, before he left, that both the indecency and conversation, he was in mode a finished gentleman irreligion of his work would produce numerous op--and in feeling a kind-hearted_man. Politely ponents. On his return to Lausanne, Deyverdun patient, he bore-unruffled we dare not say, but was smitten with apoplexy, and died in one year still apparently unmoved the various attacks of after. Gibbon missed his friend severely. Lau- his opponents, and had the candor to honor the sanne, however, was visited by numerous distinguished persons at various intervals-Fox among others who spent two entire days with Gibbon. He describes him thus: "He seemed to feel and to envy the happiness of my situation, while I admired the powers of a superior man as they are blended in his attractive character with the softness and simplicity of a child. Perhaps no human being was ever more perfectly exempt from the taint of malevolence, vanity, and falsehood." noblest of them by special mention. It is wonderful that, with his strong conversational powers and research, he never ventured on a speech in the house. How many must have risen in fearful apprehension from his vicinity. His personal appearance must have been almost repulsive. Large head, bad and slender figure when young, and of small stature, ultimately he became a misshapen mass in form and feature. Let us, lastly, look at him as an historian. Here the picture of the inner man changes, for nothing can exceed the finished Lord Brougham suggests the insertion of pride contour that many of his descriptions give to for vanity in this picture, or else the omission of objects. Still we always thought that the title of both substantives. Gibbon, however, felt that the his history was not quite correct. It cannot be recklessness of all morality and decency of Fox considered Roman in its specialty. Its oriental deserved severe censure, and he does not in the portion is the worst part, singular to say, though "Correspondence" spare him. The French rev- the leaning of the writer to every robber Kurd, olution soon filled Lausanne with emigrants, murderous Arab, vile Türkomaun, apostate Chrisamong others, M. Necker. It did not find Gibbon tian, or Muhammedan monster of any kind, made among its advocates; on the contrary, when Burke that portion a labor of love. The crusaders, the attacked it he says of him, "I admire his elo- Christians, and the martyrs, fade under his fearful quence, I approve his politics, I adore his chivalry, pencil. Athanasius alone stands out, despite of and I can almost excuse his reverence for church his historian, in his own bright hues. The orienestablishments." So little did the movement en-tal authorities do not bear out many parts of his list Gibbon's sympathies, that he argued in favor narrative, even in the chronicle of his favorite sub |