with the safety of all the rest, are the highest ends of government:

And therefore all opinions, all practices, which tend to the exemption of any order of men from public enquiry, or public juftice, are utterly inconfiftent with government and fociety.

If an order of men have advantages from law, which are inconfiftent with juftice, ought not the law to give way for the free courfe of justice? Or ought the legislative power to exift in vain?

Is it to be a power, which, in any cafe having been misguided to oppress, shall for ever remain without capacity to right the injured fubject?

If arguments of this fort had prevailed with our fathers, we should have continued, as abfolute bigots and flaves to the church, at this 'hour, as our fellow chriflians are in Italy and Spain.

If arguments of this fort prevail for the time to come, we shall never be allowed to repeal or amend any law beneficial to the priesthood, however grievous to the people, VOL. II.

L

fince

fince the priests claim a birthright in the law, to bound the legislative power. But,

The bill ought to pafs, were it only for the fake of an example, that it is not in the power of a mitred doctor, by his letters miffive stirring up petitions from every diocefe, to intimidate an house of commons in a matter of this high concern to the juftice of the kingdom.

If fuch arts are fuccefsful to encrease the waste paper on the clerks table, I hope, a body of English gentlemen will never weigh petitions in quantity against any bill whatever; especially bills for the reformation of the church, against which, they are certain of having as many remonftrances as there are deaneries, archdeaconries, chapters, colleges, or ecclesiastical precincts in England, Wales, and the town of Berwick upon Tweed.

Another reafon that the bill fhould pafs, is, that if it pass, the clergy are defirous to bave it made general.

This feems to be the only equitable propofition in the country parfon's plea; though I have been told, that his brethren wifely hope to defeat the bill, by extending the be

nefit of it to ALL the people of England! But,

I cannot believe, that any man living will dislike a bill, because he and his friends are to share the good effects of it, as well as the people called Quakers.

Nor, will I imagine, that any fet of men can be fo fimple, as to be against this act for the ease of the Quakers, on account of its being fo highly expedient for every one elle.

I am exceedingly defirous that it may be made general; and that the Committee of the whole boufe may fecure not only the Quakers, but the whole people of England from ecclefiaftical oppreffion. Yet,

If it should pafs confined to the Quakers only, (which I am credibly informed that people do not defire ;)

It shall nevertheless have my hearty con

currence.

Because, when a law is obtained of fo much good to one part of the subjects, it will

be more easy to procure the like relief for all ́ the reft; and,

An house of commons will have this act of indulgence to build upon, as the foundation of universal liberty. For this reafon,

We ought to favour the Quakers as the first movers in the cause of liberty; and notwithftanding the unhandsome and unwarrantable language which fome of the clergy bestow upon this innocent people,

I will fay what my experience of them can justify, (nor was I without a full knowledge of them in the former part of my life ;)

They deferve protection and indulgence as much as any part of his majesty's fubjects:

They are unquestionably attached to the fucceffion in his proteftant royal family, and zealous in promoting the felicity of his reign;

They are naturally interested in the liberties of England, as a people whose religion can have no other refuge:

They are univerfally employed in trade and industry; they have the smallest number

of

of members either unprofitably rich, or miferably poor; and, they are the least to be accused of luxury, corruption, or LAWSUITS of any fet of men in the kingdom.

And, in juftice to their principles,

I have ever thought their religion to be well deferving of countenance from a free and wife government. For,

It tends to establish no hierarchy, to monopolize no property, to invest no lands in ufelefs or dangerous focieties, to form no intereft feparate from the common good, to detach no part of the people from natural industry, nor to enslave any other part by bigotry and blind dependence.

If fome little fingularity in their forms may occafion witlefs drollery on their perfons, wife men will excufe them, from the good effects even of their most rigid inftitutions. For,

By this means they preferve a modesty of apparel amongst their people, which no fumptuary laws that have been made in England could produce amongst us; and, a purity of manners, which fhews our reforming focieties