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intelligence received from America has, for the prefent diverted my attention from that object, and turned my thoughts into another train; and I think it but decent to defer the confideration et Poynings law, and for the prefent devote my whole faculties to the momentous fituation of the public affairs of the British empire.

I have always looked upon the true intereft of Great Britain and Ireland as infeparable, and I thank beaven we have now more reafon to lay fo than ever. Great Britain cannot experience a mirtane which we fhall not feel. She cannot gao an advantage which we shall not partake. It went then ill become the approved generofity and afbaken loyalty of the Irish people, to remain in fiient apathy or fullen infenfibility on fo great an occasion; when Britain, furrounded with enemies, and flruggling with magnanimity grint a warring world, becomes the object of admiration of every generous mind. Bit when, a lishmen, we confider our connection with Engure, what ought to be our feelings? We are called upon to teftify our affection and unaterab'e aitachment to that country, and to convince foreign nations that we do not defpair of the common-wealth, but that the British empire Bill has power and refources to render her formidible to Ler numerous enemies, and to convince them that the dismemberment he has fuffered, has only ferved to draw the remaining parts into cofer union and intereft.

I will therefore move, that an humble addrefs be prefented to his majesty, to express our unalterable loyalty and attachment to his majesty's royal perion, family, and government, and to Fure his majefty, that in the prefent critical tration of affairs, when his majesty's dominions are expofed to a powerful and dangerous combination of enemies, we think it peculiarly incumbest to declare our warmest zeal for the honour of his majesty's crown, and our molt earnest whes for the British empire.

That conicious that our interefts are become infeparably united with thofe of Great Britain, we feel that the events of war involve both countræa in a common calamity; and to entreat his majesty to believe that we hold it to be our indifpeniable duty, as it is our moft hearty inclination, chearfully to fupport his majelty to the utmoft of our abilities, in all fuch measures as can tend to defeat the confederacy of his majesty's enemies, and to restore the bleffings of a lafting and honourable peace.

The Recorder,-As reprefentative of the first city in this kingdom, I could have wifhed for an opportunity of taking the sense of my conttituents epen this question; but though I have not had that opportunity, I think I may fafely declare, that they are not to be outdone in loyalty by any prople whatever. I hall, therefore fecond the motion of my honourable and learned friend, in A frm reliance that the gentlemen who general y famae minty in this hou e, will act in a very ferne anmer from what is called the oppofitime in England. I I am generally in the oppofi Los in this house, but it is an oppofition upon pnciple; it is an oppofition to ferve and pet to rabarrals the ftate; and I am fu.e the gentlemes with whom i have the honour to co operate, alat from the tame motive. But now let us

demonftrate by our unanimity in the hour of trial, that in our oppofition we have only the good of the empire at heart. Though I have always eprobated the American war, yet I think that this country has no great obligations to America, except it be for fending her privateers into our channel and destroying our trade; it is therefore, I think our duty to give our best fupport to the crown, and fhew that we are worthy of thole affectionate expreflions contained in the fpeech from the throne.

Mr. Brownlow.-I confider it a misfortune to be obliged to object to the address proposed; but when I oppofe it I would have it belived, that I do not defire to embarrals any motion intended for the public good:-measures, not men, have ever been my object.-But though in loyalty and attachment to my fovereign, I do not yield to any member of this houfe, yet I think I should give bad proof of that loyalty if I should affent to any measure that might tend to plunge us into the American war-that war I confider as ruinous -founded on principles of injufice-begun in error, and leading to deftruction.-Let us not, therefore, by any action of ours feem to give it countenance. There are fome expreflions in the motion that may be construed to have that tendency, and therefore I oppofe it.

Mr. Ogle. I have no objection to any address expreffive of our loyalty and aficction to his majesty, but I never will content to one that can flatter him to his ruin, and urge the minifler to pursue that frantic war that has already rent the empire in funder.-If there be any fuch thing in this addrefs, I think it incumbent to oppole it; though at the fame time I declare his majesty has not a more loyal or affectionate fubject than myfelf.

Mr. Grattan. As far as I have been able to collect the lenie of the address, and the intention of the honourable and learned mover, the object is not to pledge this houfe for the profecution of the American war, for it declares our mot zezlous withes to promote a speedy and honourable peace ; but if by any means the addrefs thould promote this most deftructive war, my honourable friend will find that he has been, though unintentionally, the inftrument of mifchief; and he will hereafter find himself obliged to oppofe thofe ruinous measures, which may refult from this addrefs. Now I have examined the addrefs, and find that it does pledge the house in thefe words :-"That we will fupport his majefty in all fuch meatures as may tend to defeat the combination of enemies, &c."-To support his majesty, how? In all fuch measures as may tend to defeat the confederacy of his ma jefly's enemies! Is not this pledging Ireland? Will gentlemea fay that by these words we are not pledged? Will the firft minister in this houfe fay, that this is a meer compliment of condolence? He cannot fay it-we pledge our felves to continue the American war, againit our inte reit, again our inclination; and this without a ingle ftipulation on our fide. In the year 1777, our addrefs to the throne was unanimous, becaufe it made no mention of the American war, though at that time the arms of England might, comparatively, be called pofperous; but now, when the injustice of the puriuit has brought

rain on the empire, fhall we offer u enditioned and unipulated aid? There is no man who is a friend to Britain, there is no man who is a friend to Ireland, who can confent to it. What, will you fend more armies to be flaughtered; more generals to be made priti ners? Will you urge on a phrenzy that cannot enslave America, but muft rain Egland? For now I can fear nothing from the war, but the ruin of England. The madnets of miniflers will go on 'till the decided refolutions of parliament and people fhall flop them.

England has till the old hankering after pow. et. In the very last fettion the paled no le's than four acts, naming Ireland; and 'till the thal renounce all claim to contioul this country, it would be madness in Irifhuien to fupport her ambition. While I fay this, I am willing to join in any dutiful and affectionate addrefs to his majefty; and I have as much regard for England as any man can have that loves Ireland better.

Mr. Yelverton.I never conceived it was poffible to draw from the words of the refolution the meaning that has been drawn, and which they never meant a meaning they do not convey, and which I never d d intend they fhours." I fhould deem myself a moft unworthy apoftate, indeed, if I should give any function, or the most diftant fupport to the ca rying on a war against America; but the words are mif. conceived, and it is impoffible for the refolution to bear such a construction, without introducing words which are not in it.

The words are, "all fach measures as may tend to promote a speedy and bonourable peace." Does this mean any thing but what in the opinion of this house shall tend to promote that defirable end? The houfe is pledged for nothing more; and it cannot be conftrued otherwise, except purpofely mifconftrued, if it were other wife I would be forward to alter it; if it could be thought that by this the house was pledged to profecute a war founded in wickednels and carried on in error, I would difclaim it; but I do not think this a proper moment to enter into an enquiry of the juftice or injuftice of the war. I feel, and every man feels, that Great Britain has received a wound: the fatal effects of which it becomes the wildom and generouty of this houfe to prevent. Does any man with that the confederacy of enemies fhall continue to the ruin of England? Or does he not rather with, to terminate the war? If he does I call upon him to fup. port the refolution.I have ever kept myself unconnected with administration, and I fall do fo while I have the honour of a feat in this houfe: My honourable friend, therefore, did me no more than juftice in declaring that he thought my intention honeft: but for the fame reafon that I keep myself detached from ministry, I keep myfelf detached from party-I fpeak my own tente, and I will neither echo the language of a faction, or the dictate of a minifter.-It is faid that there is a malignancy in the words of the refolution. I deny it. I think that in the prefent fituation of Great-Britain, we are bound 10 offer every affiftance in our power; yet I am not fo wedded to this form of words but I will confent to alter them.-[Here fome one afked,

a little above their breath, whether he meant to pledge the nation in the profecution of a foreign war.]-I do mean to pledge the house for aid, and I hope it will affent. What, fhall we, at the moment that we are receiving the greateft favours from England, withhold our aid from the fupport of the very furces from which our greateft advantages are to be derived? When commerce was unjustly restricted, the best blood of Ireland was hed in fupport of the British empire; a dhil we now, that we participate in her dearen intereft, fit fuilen down with folded arms, and fee that empire destroyed?

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Mr. Conolly-I rife, Sir, as a man who never gave a vote that could in any degree promote the American war; as a man that most fincerely condemus and detefts that damnable doctrine and pfition on which the American war is founded; as a man never engaged in any adminiftration though wishing well to all; as a man never con• nected with party, which I deteft and avoid; and I am happy to find the fame fentiments entertained by the honourable mover of the address, who e integrity and wifdom ought ever to be brid in refpect. He hasteized the prefent opportunity to prove himfelt equally a friend to GreatBritain and Deland: he has acted as a man who perceives that now or never is the time to fupport the empire for though America be loft, yet has England till in her power to raife this country to an envied pitch of greatnefs, and the aff &tionate loyalty of this addrefs will speak fo home to the feelings of Great Britain, that her gratitude will grant whatever this nation can

want.

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Mr. Forbes.-There have been fo many infinuations thrown out against oppofition, that it diftreffes me exceedingly to oppote this refolu tion; but I must differ from the gentlemen who fay that the question for the day (Poynings law) is not a proper fubject for the prefent difcuffion. Í think that this is the precife time to enter on it, now that the British minifter's dream of fubduing America is vanished, and has not left a wreck behind,' is the time to fhew that it is unwife to opprefs any country.

A liberal policy might make this island of more advantage, and more productive to the British empire than the great continent of America has ever ben; and we should rather draw the attention of England to the advantages of this country, than fupport her in the profecution of the American war. It is faid that this addrels does not pledge us to fupport that ; but if it does not, does it operate as a rebuke to give a check to it? The war in America has now ceafed to be a war of policy or of defence, it is now a war of paffion and resentment; this is evident from the tenth article of lord Cornwallis's capitulation, and the answer given to it by the French and American generals. Will any man after this fly to the British standard and be hanged for his loyalty? No. From that moment the British caufein America was undone. Let us not, therefore, abet the minifter in his vain purfuit, the address of this house may have but too much weight. I appeal to every gentleman who recollects, with what avidity addreffes were fought from every paltry corporation in England, at the beginning of the war, whether my fear is not well founded?

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But if the addrefs can be altered, fo as to leave no equivocal expreffion in it, I have no objection to giving every teftimony of loyalty and affection to his Majefty.

Mr. Punionby, jun. answered Mr. Forbes.He fait, when four inveterate enemies had enter tered into an unnatural confederacy, to overwhelm Great Britain and Ireland, he could not discriminate amongst them; that to offer contolation and to relufe fupport, would be to infult England in the hour of diftrefs, and therefore he would vote for the addrefs as propofed by the honourable and learned mover.

Mr. Flood entered into his ufual ftile of eloquence, and reprobated the idea of giving any tappert to the American war; after which he moved the following amendment, to be inferted immediately after the firtt, and in place of the fecond paragraph of the address:

“In a fond hope that this illand, connected with Great-Britain by an indiffoluble attachment and confidence, grounded upon the perfect acknowledgment of the parliamentary conftitution of Ireland, will be able, by their united and cordial efforts, to repel the hereditary enemies of the British nation; and deliver down to his majelly's lareft pofterity his royal diadem with undiminished luure, his faithful commocs take this opportunity of fpontaneously cfering to his majelly their lives and fortunes at this alarming crilis."

Mr. Eden faid that he rofe to fupport the addrefs, and, confequently to oppofe the amendment; that after the various digreffions, which the debate had run into, it feemed not immaterial to recollect that the only points' properly uncer difcuffion, 'were the occafion of the propofition made, and the propofition itlelf.

Of the occafion, it was enough to fay, that it was a calamity of great extent and importance; and was in his eftimation, and to his feeling, fo great, that though of a family which had great reverfionary interefts in one of the revolted colonies, though connected in the warmest friendsh Р with the gallant general who commanded, and though peculiarly concerned for fome of the loyal icdividuals, who feemed to be devoted in the capitulation. he had been unable to advert to private interefts, perfonal friendship, or private pity. He confidered all fecondary confiderations as overwhelmed in the public concern. It was a calamity which tended to diminifh the luftre of the diadem defcribed in the propofed amendment; for the colonies were certainly fome of the brightest jewels that adorned it It was a calamity, which at least tended to increate the difficulties and dangers of the war, aiready difficult and dangerous.

P

Such being the occafion, the propofed address was farely well adapted to it, and did great honour to the gentleman who brought it forward -it would do great honour to the parliament who feemed likely to adopt it-it would convey the wife and jutt fentiments of the nation, which fharing the advantages of Britain, was dilpoled to share her diftrefs. He was, indeed, aware that fome gentlemen, whom he believed to act from wife and generous principles, were, from milconception, not willing to concur; but it was evident, that a large majority of gentlemen, well delerving thofe epithets, would give their concur rence; and therefore he would repeat what on a former occasion had been the fubject of remark

"that he felt no anxiety for the fate of the queftion."-He was incapable of anxiety for the fate of any queftion, when fo generally and espectably fupported. A right honourable gentleman had accused him of making the treasurybench his couch and the conftirution his pillow. He should be glad to find a refting place, when the fituation of the empire gave to much caule for difquiet, but he fhould not look for it on the treafury-bench:--The conftitution was happy enough to be a pillow to all those who fhared it.

The addrefs had been objeЯed to, because it had not been called for-the voice of misfortune was turely the loudeft call to good and generous mind: the time of calamity was the leafon for the display of affection-it was in the hour of grief that the feafor, of love and friendthip would make the deepeft and molt permanent impreffions.

Mr. Ogle then propofed another amendment, which if agreed to, it was underflood was to fuperfede that of Mr. Flood; it was to expunge the words," when his majesty's dominions are expoted to a powerful and dangerous combination of enemies." After fome debate, the queftion was put upon M. Ogle's amendment.

A yes,
Noes,

39

167

The question was then put on Mr. Flood's amendment, and negatived without a division. The queftion was then put on the original metion of Mr. Yelverton, for the addrets, and carried.

Ayes,
Noes,

167
37

Mr. Flood then faid-As I ain neither to be intimidated by numbers, not deceived by profeffions, I give notice, that on this day fe'nnight, I will make a motion relative to the Law of Poynings.

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(To be continued.}

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From wasteful war, what various woes

To focial life redound?
What confternation nature fhews

To hear the favage found?

Before dread war, fee ev'ry good,
And ev'ry grace, retire:
Fields funk in deluges of blood 1
Towns in devouring fire!

Such are the scenes, which at this day
The western world prefents:
For bloody war there bends its way,
And fatal fury vents.

In Europe, too, the woes of war
Through fighting fields are hurl'd:
Dire difcord burits the brazen bar,
And, fhouting, shakes the world.
Dire difcord burfts the bars of brafs,
And rends the rattling chains,
And madly, with a mingled mais
Of carnage, piles the plains.
What devaftation falls from arms,
As from a baneful ftar?
Alas! alas! that civil charms
Were loft in wasteful war!
But, O thou everlasting power,
The God of love and peace,
Brighten with hope the hottile hour,
And bid contention cease.
Eternal king of earth and skies,
Who wonders doft perform,
Repel the peftilence which flies,
And hufh the deathtul florm.
With pity on the proud look down,

The wrath of men reftrain,
Make love Almighty wear the crown,
Make love almighty reign?
Hillsborough.

J. H.

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And yet the bold attempt we cannot blame,
Since those who leatt deferve, moft covet fame.
Nor grieve that thou hatt fail'da Rapha'ls art
Would fail to paint the virtues of his heart:
To mere externals you were both confin'd,
The poet fole does juftice to the mind.
To him how many bleffings here we owe,
For, under God, from him alone they flow.
A faithful fteward-his all-bount'ous hand
Diffules plenty o'er this northern land.
To him what numbers owe their daily bread,
Employ'd indeed-so beft-not idly fed;
While public buildings from their labour rife,
And point his hift'ry to a nation's eyes.
His bounty ope's the tcientific page,
The ftudent to improve, and pleafe the fage.
Internal commerce, too, boafts him her friend,
For on the rich all commerce muft depen1.
A village once is now a city made,

By Rokeby's princely tafle and gen'rous aid;
As if, by magic art, the hamlets change,
And form of palaces a noble range,
To,him we owe tociety and eate,

And without thefe no foil on earth can please.
May heav'n, indulgent to our common pray'r,
For many years our common father spare;
And may kind providence thofe ills affuage,
Which, from the courfe of nature, wait on age;
Whilst all the bleffings, here on earth, we
know,

Alight on thee, my lord, and round thee flow!
And when at length-yes, angels will attend,
And waft to blif's eternal mankind's friend;
Whilft annals moft remote record his name,
And Robinfon's philanthropy proclaim:

Thus of the fun, tho' fet, the light is feen,
And proves how bright his morning's blaze has
been.

Tho' weak my verfe, yet from the heart it

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ON

FOREIGN
Barcelona, Odober 13.

TRANSACTION S.

N the morning of the 11th a most violent ftorm came on, almost in a moment, which greatly damaged this port, and drove all the fhips in it from their moorings, fome of which were crushed to pieces by running foul of others, and many were funk, and there were little hopes of any being faved till about eleven o'clock, when the wind abated, and with great difficulty 58 veffels were faved, 13 of which were richly laden for America, and had they been loft, must have ruined leveral merchants of this city. Great thanks are due to the comte del Alfalto the officer of the marine of this province, and the captain general, for their at tention and affiftance during the hurricane ; the impetuofity of the wind and agitation of the water, has washed fo large a quantity of fand to the entrance of the port, that until it is properly cleared the navigation will be very dangerous.

One

Peterburgh, October 29. We are bufily employed in raifing recruits, which had been iuf pended for three weeks. It confits in a levy of the two hundredth part of all male flaves of the empire. This militia, according to calculation, will amount to 245,000 men. man out of every hundred is allo to be taken from among the free pealants, which will produce feveral thousand men, deftined to complete the regiments of huffars. All the officers abfent from their respective regiments are ordered to return, on pain of lofing their employ

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TH

are going in fearch of a more happy country. The houses which have been deferted, are converted into barracks for foldiers. Geneva, for merly fo flourishing, now only affords the dreary representation of a desert.

Vienna, Nov. 9. They write from Conftantinople, that the new grand vizier, and the new multi, incline to peace, on account of the prefent weak Itate of the Ottoman empire; and that in confequence, they have intimated to M. de Boulgak ff, envoy extraordinary from the emprefs of Ruffia, at the Porte, that the fultan, their mailer, was willing to confent to an agreement, refpecting the affairs of the Crimea, through the medium of one or other of the Eu

ropean powers.

From the Ukraine, Nov. 10. According to authentic advices, the troubles of Crimea are entirely appeafed by the wifdom of the court of Ruffia, and the fortitude of the general fent thither by that court. The former Chan has been re-established in his poft, and his brother has been fatisfied in another manner.

Madrid, Nov. 15. The king of Spain, to recompenfe the bravery of the prince de Naffau, during the attack of the floating batteries against Gibraltar, has granted him the privilege to fit out five register fhips annually, with which he may trade to any part of the king's dominions in Mexico and Peru. It is faid, the king of France has raised the prince de Naffau, to the degree of captain in the navy, and that count d'Estaing wishes him to have a command in his fleet; but many people affert that he is going back to the camp of St. Roche, where he will hold a very brilliant fituation, circumstances obliging the Spaniards to continue the fie that important fortrefs.

BRITISH INTELLIGENCE.

LONDON, November 14, 1782. His day the Rev. John Diiney, D. D. F. A. S. and chaplain to the lord bishop of Carlisle, refigned his church preferment (confifting of the rectory of Panton and vicarage of Swinderby, both in the county diocese of Lincoln), not being able, from religious fcruples, to officiate any longer, according to the rules of the established church.

Edinburgh, Nov. 27. Yesterday was brought before the High Court of Jafticiary here, John M'Afee, who was tried before the Circuit Court at laverary, in September last, for a forgery of the twenty fhilling notes of the British linen company, and against whom a verdic was then returned, finding him guilty, art and part, of forging the promiflory notes of the laid compaBy, and alfo, of iffuing four of the notes. This verdict was certified by the judge upon the cir cuit to the High Court of Jufticiary here. M'Afee having applied to be heard by counsel in bar of judgment, it was contended, that, the forgery was confefTedly perpetrated in the city of Dublin, in Ireland, and being without the juridiction of the court, was not an offence against the Hib. Mag. Jan. 1783.

laws of this country; and fecondly, that the iffuing only, when not joined to the actual forgery, was not a crime by the laws of Scotland, punishable with death. The court, after long pleadings, were unanimously of opinion, that a forgery, perpetrated to take effect in this kingdom, in whatever country the fame may have been executed, was death; and that the fraudulently uttering and using notes, knowing them to be forged, was, by the law of Scotland, a capital crime. They therefore repelled both objections, and fentenced M'Afee to be hanged in the Gras-market of Edinburgh upon Wednelday the 8th of January next.

Dec. 1. The Scotch brigade, in the Dutch ferice, have renounced their allegiance to their lawful fovereign, and taken a new oath of fidelity to their High Michtineffes. They are, for the future, to wear the Dutch uniform, and not to carry the arms of the enemy any longer in their colours, nor to beat their march. They are to receive the word of command in Du.ch, and their officers are to wear orange-coloured lashes, and the fame fort of fpontoons as the officers of other Dutch regiments. G

Dec.

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