tion on which much of the scepticism with regard to revealed religion, which is but too prevalent, has been raised.

The tenth Essay of the second volume is a comparison between a city (read town) and a country life; to the latter of which the author seems to have a decided aversion. Part of the observations by which this Essay is accompanied, is a complete specimen of the trite. Mr. B. says:

"Different persons have different opinions on this subject: Some prefer the city, others the country. In many this preference arises from inclination or from habit; in others, it proceeds from considerations of interest or conveniency, from the suitableness of either situation to their employments and their prospects. From whatever motives the choice is made, it is reasonable to suppose that each individual considers them as sufficiently powerful to fix his determination. Indeed, the greatest part of mankind are placed in their respective situations by the operation of external circumstances, rather than by a voluntary choice."

This a little reminds us of what Sir Wilful Witwou'd says to his mistress in the comedy: "There are some can't relish the town, and others can't away with the country; 'tis like you may be one of those." The disadvantages of a country life are exemplified by the account of the disappointment of a French boy and girl, who did not find their romantic notions of rural simplicity realized in an English village, and did not find the society of farmers and labourers (who would certainly laugh at them for their foreign pronunciation), so pleasant as the flattering attention of a polite circle at Paris. It is true, the author has given his French family a qualification that no French family ever possessed: he says, "they all spoke the language so well, that it was not easy to discover them to be foreigners;" which is rendered more improbable by what he has just before said, viz. that "under the most eminent masters in Paris, they had made a tolerable proficiency in the English language.”

The idea of the progress of the construction of speech is inge

nious:

"If one were called upon to exhibit a conjecture on the gradual formation of language, it would not be unreasonable to imagine that the substantive was the part of speech first used. The view of different objects would immediately induce men to give them names, in order to distinguish one kind from another; and the necessity of expressing action, or suffer. ing, whether corporeal or mental, would, in the next place give birth to the verb. It would soon be perceived that objects of the same kind were distinguished by different degrees of size, beauty, strength, &c. and this consideration would induce the observers to invent the words called adjectives, in order to denote those discriminating qualities. The different modifications of thought and action would, in like manner, suggest the necessity of adopting some method of expressing those distinctions, and this would naturally give rise to the adverb, which performs the same auxiliary office to the verb as the adjective does to the noun. The preposition would probably come next in order, as it would soon be found

necessary to distinguish and express the various relations of time, place, &c. which things have to one another; and the mind could not long have exercised its thinking powers, before the tedious repetitions of the name of the same thing would suggest the substitution of pronouns. It is reasonable to suppose that language had been some time established, and that the human mind, by progressive improvement, had discovered the utility of just and elegant connexion and distinction, in expressing its ideas and reflections before the use of the article and the conjunction was introduced. The interjection is no more than the simple expression of some affection of the mind, and is unconnected with the texture of language, as it is, in a great measure, independent of the exercise of the intellectual powers.'

In this scale, however, the interjection should certainly have been placed first.

The concluding Essay, on the manner in which near and remote expectation operate on the mind, is full of just and serious reflection. We select the following passage for the consideration of our readers:

"If it could be proved that all, or the greatest part of those who pay so little attention to the concerns of a future state, had only a wavering belief of its existence, there would be no difficulty in ascribing this su pineness to its true cause. But it is evident that this is not the case; for many who seem the most inattentive to eternal things, are very far from being sceptics, and never once entertained a doubt concerning the existence of a future state, where a just remuneration of human conduct shall take place. This inconsistency of conduct, with conviction, plainly indicates the depravity of human nature.”

The reader will find more to applaud than to blame in these volumes; the language is generally correct, but the remarks, though sometimes original, are too often the echo of what has been said a thousand times before, of which we have given a specimen.

Strictures upon an Historical Review of the State of Ireland, by Francis Plowden, Esq. or, a Justification of the Conduct of the English Government in that Country, from the Reign of Henry II. to the Union of Great Britain and Ireland. Part the Second.

(Continued from Page 17 of Vol. XXII.)

POPISH writers, in general, have condemned the conduct, and reviled the memory of Queen Elizabeth, because she completely established the Reformation, though all candid historians of her reign uniformly allow, that the salutary laws and wise institutions adopted during her reign, laid the foundation of England's subsequent greatness and glory.

As Mr. Plowden has uttered the most envenomed and unqualified abuse, founded in calumny and falsehood, of her administration in Ireland, we shall proceed to lay before our readers the very able defence of it, by this ingenious writer, to whom the public are much

indebted

indebted for vindicating the Protestant State, against the opprobrious invectives of its very uncandid and disingenuous opponent.

"Were we to form our opinion of the reign of Queen Elizabeth from Mr. Plowden's work, we should be led to suppose, that the conduct of her governments towards the natives of Ireland was even more impoli tic, unjust, and oppressive, than those of her predecessors, which this historical review has represented as so wicked and absurd. But if we turn to those writers who have given an account of this eventful period of Irish history, and whose relations, as they were not written for a party purpose, are entitled to our credit, we shall find, that it was her liege subjects, i. e. the colonists, and not the native Irish, who had just grounds of complaint against her conduct. The manifold calamities which the former suffered during this reign, arose principally from the following circumstances. That Princess was ever too ready to lend a willing ear to the insidious representations of those great dissemblers O'Nial and Tyrone, and their associates; in consequence of which, two of her ablest lieutenants, Sir J. Sydney and Sir J. Perrott, were removed from their governments. The vigour and abilities of these deputies, and their perfect knowledge of the insincerity and secret practices of the Irish chieftains, had rendered their administrations formidable to the disaffected party, who laboured incessantly for their removal, and at length succeeded. Their successors were, in general, men of very inferior capacities, and totally unacquainted with the genius of the people whom they were sent to govern; and the short time which most of them were suffered to remain in that kingdom, prevented them from acquiring the knowledge of the Irish character which is so necessary to their govern. ment. Elizabeth, moreover, was never inclined to grant either men or money for the services of Ireland: and, therefore, during the early part of her reign, her deputies were obliged to struggle with great difficul. ties, and were compelled in many instances to have recourse to measures highly injurious to the future repose of that kingdom, although they might have served the short-sighted objects for which they were adopted. One of the most impolitic of these expedients (the fatal consequence of which was afterwards discovered in Tyrone's rebellion), was the measure of arming and embodying, into a kind of militia, the native Irish, in order to repel the frequent invasions of the Scots; who, during the beginning of this reign, so often landed in the north of Ireland, and made it the scene of their predatory irruptions. This Irish militia, who were all Catholics, hated the English only one degree less than the Scots; and, in consequence, afterwards to a man joined in Tyrone's grand popish rebellion; and were the chief cause that the final reduction of that formi. dable rebel was not effected, without such an expence of blood and treasure. These were some of the causes which contributed to the duration of the convulsions of Ireland during Queen Elizabeth's reign. But the principal cause of those rebellions, the source from whence those waters of bitterness flowed, and have continued to flow, was religious bigotry, which sharpened the ancient animosity of the natives against the English, and gave fresh zeal and enthusiasm to their efforts to shake off the domi. nion of England.

"During the feeble Catholic government of Queen Mary, Ireland

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had

had been distracted by the petty wars of chieftains against chieftains, and septs against septs, which her wretched administration was unable to restrain. But from the moment that Elizabeth ascended the throne, and declared for the Reformation, the grand Irish popish confederacy, in concert with Spain and Rome, was formed against her; which afterwards, when England was threatened with invasion by Philip, burst forth into two violent and well-organized rebellions, the last of which was not finally extinguished during her reign. Both these rebellions were openly abetted by the Pope, Philip, and all Elizabeth's foreign enemies, and were fomented in Ireland by the practices of the Catholic clergy, aided by the zeal of the ecclesiastical missionaries from abroad.

"That Shawn O'Nial, Tyrone, Desmond, and the other rebel leaders of that day, were indifferent to all religious creeds, or too ignorant to comprehend any, I am willing to admit. But that religious bigotry was their chief ally, and the great incitement to the exertions of their fanatic followers, can only be controverted by those who are destitute of candour, or of historical information.

"Mr. Plowden would wish to convince his readers, that religious bigotry was but a secondary cause of the convulsions of Ireland during this reign, which, according to his work, were provoked by the oppres sions of the Irish Government; whereas in truth, the severities and confiscations of which he complains, did not take place, until after the Queen had been justly incensed at the treachery and rebellions of the native Irish. For when Sir John Perrott, in the 29th year of Elizabeth's reign, resigned his government

He delivered the sword,' (see Ware, p. 42, chap. 31, reign of Eli. zabeth,) to his successor, declaring, that he left the kingdom in peace, and that now, although a private man, he would engage to bring in any suspected leader within twenty days, without violence or contest; he embarked with the acclamations, particularly of the lower orders of the people, who had felt the benefits of his administration; old Tirlaugh, of Tirowen (an O'Nial) followed him to the water-side bathed in tears."

That the principal cause of Tyrone's rebellion was religious fanaticism, or that it was the means he made use of to excite his countrymen to arms, the manifesto which he published previous to his great insurrection sufficiently proves. He tells them in it, 6 as I shall answer before God, I will employ myself to the utmost of my power, for the extirpation of heresie, and the planting of the Catholic religion.' Again, I give you to understand upon my salvation, that chiefly and principally I fight for the Catholic faith, to be planted throughout all our poor country, as well in cities as elsewhere;' and again, if I had gotten to be King of Ireland without having the Catholic religion, which before I have mentioned, I would not accept the same:' and after informing them that they could not conscientiously pay obedience to an excommunicated Princess, though there might have been a mitigation made by her in favour of Catholics, by which they might be licensed, in civil matters, to give her, during their inability, obedience; he concludes with this exhortation:

And now let us join all together, to deliver this our poor country from that infection of heresie with which she is, and shall be, if God do not specially favour us, most miserably infected; taking example from

that

that most Christian and Catholic country of France; whose subjects, for defence of the Catholic faith, maintained warres so long, yea against their most natural King, as he was, by their means, constrained to profess the Catholic religion, duly submitting himself to the apostolical see of Rome, to which doubtless we may bring our country, you putting your helping hand to the same.'

"When, therefore, Mr. Plowden chuses to assert, that Tyrone's grand rebellion was brought on and continued by the noxious policy of treating the Irish as a divided, separate, and enslaved people,' he advances a position unsupported by any one reputable historian, and solely resting upon his own assertion. All the writers of this period agree, that Elizabeth was peculiarly anxious to conciliate this O'Nial; that she received him at her court with distinguished favour, created him Earl of Tyrone, and obliged her deputies to receive his frequent submissions and apologies for his insurrections; in consequence of which, they were restrained from counteracting his designs in their infancy; and thus he was suffered to mature that very formidable rebellion, to conquer which, Elizabeth was obliged to send her favourite Essex with twenty thousand troops, and in consequence of which that island was nearly laid waste.

"One of the principal grievances of this reign, of which the natives complained, was the attempt to introduce the trial by Jury, that bulwark of British liberty; another was, the appointment of sheriffs in their counties. In the 39th year of this Queen, when the Deputy Fitzwilliam, immediately upon his succeeding Sir J. Perrott, intimated to the chieftain of Fermanagh, that he would send a sheriff into his county; he shall be wellcome,' answered Maguire; but let me know his eirick (the fine by the Brehon laws for murder), that if my people cut off his head, I may levy it upon the country; and, among the bills which the Catholic opposition in that Parliament (which Mr. Plowden informs us was packed for the base purposes of giving legislative sanction to unjust measures) refused to pass, we find the following, namely, one for laying a small duty on wines, and another for the suspension of Poyning's laws; the repeal of which, in our own times, was the first measure taken to establish the independence of Ireland; and for the obtaining of which, the Irish patriots imagined they deserved the eternal gratitude of their country.These two acts were at length, not without difficulty, passed, in the fourth session of this Parliament, in which this Catholic opposition also rejected two Bills, one for the reparation of parochial schools, and ano ther for the erection of free schools. Their conduct is thus accounted for by Dr. Leland, who quotes Hooker, who was so scandalized at their conduct.

"The enemies of the reformed religion, a numerous party, those who dreaded the diminution of their power, in the several districts which they had been used to oppress; those who enriched themselves, and supported their petty feuds by Irish exactions, &c. all came to Parliament with a determined resolution to oppose every measure that came from the throne." Can we therefore wonder, that a Princess of Elizabeth's temper, who treated her own Parliaments with so high a hand, should have im. prisoned those Deputies, whom this Catholic opposition, which so factiously opposed her favourite reformation, and her plans for civilizing Ireland, sent to London, to lay what they called their grievances at the foot of the throne?'

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"Mr.