born subjects of England after December 25 next, to whom then he owed his allegiance? He was answered "To the Queen." This I thought it would be convenient her Majesty should know.'

The Duke's side managed with great difficulty to carry 'six 'months' cess,' and so got revenue to maintain the army and two frigates, and a seventh months' cess for an additional forty-gun ship and two small vessels on the west coast, to hinder the importation of prohibited goods. In September he was able to report:

'There are two Acts passed since the Treaty-one for encouraging the exportation of beef and pork, and another declaring linnen and wool manufactures free of duty at exportation. He hoped also to get one passed for hindering the importation of foreign leather, and the other appointing this nation having an ambassador at all general Treaties. As for the Leather Act, I must own I think it very necessary for the nation. As for the ambassador, since the Parliament says they will provide a fund for his maintenance, I believe her Majesty will incline to pass it. Will your Lordship let me have her Majesty's commands as to when the Parliament shall adjourn, for it is dangerous to continue sitting when there is nothing to doe.'

He renewed his protest against Annandale, recommending that Lord Mar should be preferred, saying, 'This will 'make her Ministry intirely of a Piece,' and then adds in a postscript, General Ramsey is dead. I hope her Majesty will not dispose of his posts till such time as my Lord Duke ' of Marlboro' comes over.' He then adjourns the Parliament until December. It ended with all the decency 'imaginable.'

But 1706 was still to see all parties fighting as vigorously as ever; but the popular and anti-English party were losing ground. The old soldier, Lord Leven, had been made Master of the Ordnance in Scotland, and Governor of Edinburgh Castle, and he writes

'how there arose a great debate. The opposing party pressed hard for a delay. This at last came to a question, or, as we now call it, to a votte, and we carried to proceed immediately by a majority of sixtysix. This was certainly a Party votte, and so gives us great encuradgement to hop for a good success. They are betaking themselves to other methods by endeavouring all they can to give a bad impression of the Union to the people, both in country and city. There has been for several days great inclination to a mob in the streets, and particularly by several hundreds crowding around the Duke of Hamilton in his going to and coming from the House. For some days past there were a great many, and as they went along the streets there were repeated huzzas and acclamations of praise to his Grace, by those his noble attendants. This on Wednesday last came yet to a greater height,

VOL. CLXXVI. NO. CCCLXII.

M M

for they not only attended the Duke of Hamilton in his coming to the House, but gave such loud huzzas when he entered the House as were heard by all the members when sitting on their benches, and all the time the Parliament sat the most part of this rabble continued about the entry, and the sitting that day lasted till candles were brought in; the mob began to turn uneasy, and, it seems, believing we were going to some important votte, they attempted to break open one of the doors, and beat two or three sentinels from it of my Lord Constable's guard. What was acting outdoors being surmised to some of the members, there was an overture made to adjourn the debate, which was agreed to and prevented further disorder. When the Duke of Hamilton came out they got round about his chair to the number of four or five hundred, and accompanied him first to the Duke of Athole's Lodgings and, waiting till he came out, attended him till he came near his own Lodgings in the Abbey, where I had ordered them to be stopped by the guards. From this they went up and down the city, and got a drum or two and beat to arms, and some of them went to Sir Patrick Johnstone's house and attempted to break open his door, threatening to murder him for his betraying his country by being for the Union. They committed a great number of other insolencies in the street by upbraiding them as villains and rascals who they judged were for the Union. The President of the Council, the Duke of Argyll, and the two secretaries were so treated by them as they passed through the streets. The magistrates of Edinburgh did what they could to suppress this tumult, but neither their authority nor their guards were sufficient to do it, which obliged his Grace to command me to send immediately some of her Majesty's forces into the city, which accordingly was done, and I had no sooner secured the gate that leads into the city, but they began to disperse.'

Next day in Parliament the Opposition blamed the bringing the Queen's forces into the city, as not only against its liberties but as being also against the privileges of Parliament.

'This after-debate was brought to a question to approve or not of what the council had done, which carried in the affirmative by fifty-six votes. They are now endeavouring all they can to get addresses from all places of the country to be presented to the Parliament by great numbers of the gentry and commons against the Union. These men's actions do look as if they meant to stick at nothing. It is likewise surmised as if there were a design in drawing men together both in the highlands and in places of the low country. I wish those reports may prove false. It would be of great advantage to have some forces in the North of England, and near the Border, for the troops here are few in number, and if a new disorder should fall out a great part of them would be necessary to protect the Government, and keep the peace of this place.'

Ten days later, on November 5, Leven writes again to Godolphin in London :-

'I cannot say that the ferment doth abate, but rather the contrary,

and this is certain, that there are a great many people coming during Day to Town who have no business in it, and who we know are disaffected to the Queen and Government, and who declare themselves enemies to the Union. This makes me take all the precautions possible. I am glad forces are ordered to the Borders and North of Ireland, for nothing discourages men more to undertake desperate courses than the hops of small opposition.'

These hops' became much like a modern revolving light on the Scottish coast, alternately so bright that men were dazzled, and then again plunged into darkness. One French squadron two years afterwards was only prevented from entering the Forth by an accident, but that accident was the satisfactory previous arrival of a British squadron, warned in time, and causing the Pretender's fleet to put to sea and return to Dunkirk. Lord Leven was made commander of the forces in Scotland. In spite of popular obloquy the cause of the Union prospered. Money had something to do with it, true patriotism more. But is not a great deal of true patriotism the power to see how money can be best made a common commodity among the people to whom your affections are pledged? The limit of the common use of the proper investment of money in a government is the limit, under favourable geographical conditions, of the existence of a nation. As roads become better, as sea-transport becomes easier, so is it more easy to include in the benefits of money a greater number of people around the organising centre. The smaller and older centres disappear, to be absorbed in one that is convenient to a larger number. With good roads and good foreign commerce making communication easy, it became not only convenient, but imperative, that this little island should become politically united. But just as neighbouring towns in Europe long maintained that it was for their separate good that they should war against each other, so did many an honest heart look back regretfully to the reputation gained by English exclusiveness and Scottish isolation. How dear to the child is a good bout of the 'sulks'! How dignified seems sometimes the conduct that makes us think it for a time below our dignity to speak to our neighbour-a conduct we may call self-respect,' and another a state of huff.' The true pride that makes a nation is not the feeling that prompts a man either to dare all the world to tread on his coat-tails, or that in the dealer bids him to put all his wares in the window for show. Small minds make race distinctions a ground for ' national' division, and would, while taking their place with

the most reactionary, demand that the progress of all connected with them be crippled by taking the pace from the slowest. Such politicians may 'kick' a race upstairs,' but cannot raise it to a place among nations. They who are content to be insignificant in isolation are too apt to become the tools of foreigners, who will raise them to temporary importance for the sake of possessing their territory as vantage ground for their own wars. The truest independence is not, therefore, to be found in a selfish isolation, but in bearing manful part in the larger life of the nearest Power. It depends on the vigour of the smaller country if the union it makes be one giving it that potent influence we see exercised by Scots over British affairs.

The Sir Patrick Johnstone mentioned in Lord Leven's letter as having only just escaped massacre was Lord Provost of the city. It was owing solely to the pluck and determination shown by him, by the Dukes of Queensberry and Argyll, by Lords Seafield, Stairs, and the small number of the 'Queen's servants,' that the Union was carried. Are we to see in our days the worst policy of the unenlightened crowds of 1706 and 1707 revived for the amusement of Europe? Such an attempt has been partially successful in Ireland. Will Scotland also, for the sake of a little plunder,' 'disintegrate' the Union that her people may do in the dusk of disunion that which the enlightened common sense of the Imperial Parliament would condemn? For the sake of having a few local busy bodies satisfied, will she throw over the place won by her old leaders in the van of nations ? We shall see. All things are possible to him that believeth

in the new divinities!

ART. X.-1. Maurice de Saxe et le Marquis d'Argenson. Par le DUC DE BROGLIE. 2 vols. 8vo. Paris: 1891.

2. La Paix d'Aix-la-Chapelle.

8vo. Paris: 1892.

Par le Duc DE BROGLIE.

3. Elizabeth Farnese, the Termagant of Spain.' By EDWARD ARMSTRONG, M.A. 8vo. London: 1892.

IF some critics have described the Duke de Broglie's History of the War of the Austrian Succession' as tedious in minute detail and slow progress, it is that they have permitted themselves to think of it as simply a history of the war; a misconception which the author, on his part, has carefully guarded against by a special title for each fresh instalment of the work, and still more by the comprehensive title, Études Diplomatiques,' under which the several chapters first appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes. It is, in fact, as diplomatic studies that they are chiefly interesting, even when the course of the narrative winds among military operations. Of the battles there was little new to be said; they were fought in the light of day, under the eyes of all Europe, and the accounts of them now given, fresh and vivid as they are, have no claim to originality or to technical precision. The strategy of the war, on the other hand, was not always evident; it was not always guided by military principles, and the directing motives have had to be sought in the official or private correspondence of the actors-soldiers, ministers, and ambassadors often, too, in very unmilitary quarters, in the gossip of the Court, or in the intrigues of the boudoir. But the greater part of all this has hitherto remained in the privacy of the original manuscript, and the exceptional value of the Duc de Broglie's work is due to the elucidation of different problems by the aid of documents now first given to the public. In this respect the present three volumes are in no degree inferior to their predecessors; they show the exacting care, the industry, and the artistic skill with which we have been so long familiar, and have, so far as we are concerned, the additional advantage of dealing with some points of interest, more especially English. We are, however, compelled to offer one adverse criticism. The printing leaves much to be desired on the score of correctness; it is crowded with typographical errors. We have, for instance, Étoiles' for Etioles' (i. 316); 'con'jectures' for 'conjonctures' (ii. 89); ‘pulsillanime' (iii. 78);