Portsmouth, in 1818. Two years after-pointments have been so numerous and wards, in 1820, he was elected for the borough of Weobly. In 1826 he was chosen to represent Plymouth. And in the hotly contested general election of 1841, as a follower of Sir Robert Peel, he was returned for Ripon. He held а seat in Parliament for fourteen years. He was appointed a Lord of the Admiralty in 1818, and again in 1828. In 1841 he received the appointment of First Lord of the Admiralty, which he retained until the dissolution of the Peel cabinet, in the circumstances already stated. His service at the Board of Admiralty altogether extended to a period of seventeen years. We have not mentioned at their dates the numerous promotions which he received; but a life eminently busy, creditable, and long, comprehended many changes. He entered the navy in 1781, served actively from 1786, received his commission as lieutenant in 1793, as captain of a frigate in 1794, of a ship of the line in 1806, hoisted his flag as commodore in the same year, was thanked by both Houses of Parliament, and was appointed governor of St. Pierre. He received his commission as colonel of marines in August, 1811; as rear-admiral in August, 1812; was named a Knight Companion of the Bath on January 2nd, 1815, and a Knight of the Grand Cross of the Bath in February, 1818: in the same year he was chosen to represent Portsmouth in the Commons, and gained a seat at the Admiralty. On the 12th of August, 1819, he received his commission as vice-admiral. He was elected a F.R.S. in 1820; and in the same year was returned for Weobly. In 1821, he attained the rank of major-general of marines. In 1826, he was elected member of Parliament for Plymouth. In 1827, he was sworn of his Majesty's Privy Council. In 1828, he was reappointed one of the Lords of the Admiralty. In 1832, he obtained the command of the West Indian and North American naval stations. In 1837, he was gazetted as admiral; but he never afterwards served afloat. In 1841, he was elected one of the members for Ripon; and in the same year he was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty with a seat in the cabinet. Few men can be named whose early life was passed at sea, and whose ap varied. He served in eight ships of war, before obtaining his first independ ent command. He commanded one sloop of war, five frigates, and four ships of the line before the expedition to the Scheldt, and as commodore or admiral hoisted his flag on eight ships of the line subsequently. Without reckoning his services in conjunction with officers at the time his superiors, or military officers, he had taken 45 mercantile ships, 42 armed vessels, 495 guns, and 3,296 men. As a seaman he acquired great skill at an early period of life. To the men under his command he evinced much urbanity and won their unlimited confidence. As a marine he exhibited science and skill equal to any emergency; and he was always successful. After the peace, he soon acquired the habits of official and parliamentary life. He was not an eminent, but he was a sensible, debater. He was not an eloquent, but he was a pleasant, speaker.~ He was not a first star, but he was a universal favourite in the Commons. He pos sessed great aptitude for business, and many recent ameliorations in the navy may be justly ascribed to his influence. Partly under the advice of Sir James Graham he consented to measures which were calculated to weaken the naval service. Their results have now been neutralized, and the British navy has acquired greater practical power than it perhaps ever previously possessed. Sir George Cockburn belonged strictly to the Peel party. Although a remarkably sagacious politician, yet he seemed to follow the member for Tamworth in all his changes without rule or comment, always converted, and, from his profound regard for that remarkable statesman, always, we fully believe, convinced. His dashing bravery in early life and middle age rendered him a favourite with the service and the first marine officer of the war. He was the Murat of the marines; and in all desperate enterprises, with boats or on land, he invariably accomplished his purpose, yet passed almost without a wound, through services of the most dangerous character. But he combined science with strength; and as his character began to be appreciated, his influence was increased; so that, for the prosperity and unity of the States it was well that the peace of Ghent was con cluded in 1814. He was accused at the moment, of often dealing harshly with the subjects of the United States; but even their authors acknowledged that his conduct was strictly just and humane to peaceable men, and his dealings perfectly upright. An early life and services prolonged to middle age at sea, are unfavourable to literary or scientific pursuits; yet Sir George Cockburn possessed a vast fund of information, and his acquire ments were appreciated and valued in scientific circles. He was especially an active man. Without an interval of rest, for thirty years on the ocean, and more than thirty years in responsible positions on land, but connected with naval affairs, he served his country; and a life embracing sixty-five years of active duties honourably and faithfully performed, is rarely met in any service, and leaves a short boyhood at its commencement and very few years of rest at its close. NICHOLAS THE FIRST, EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. THE eyes of all Europe are fixed with especial interest on one man. His position, his character, and his movements, alike attract attention. A giant despotism confronts the civilization of the nineteenth century. The autocrat of Russia is its soul. His word is law over 50,000,000 of the human race. He is supreme in the state, and in the church. Peasant and soldier associate his name with the majesty of heaven, and call him daily in their prayers "Our God on earth." With all the energies of an ancient barbarism, he can combine many influences of modern civilization not immediately destructive of his aims. If his territories are not as prolific of wealth as extended in boundary, their resources are nevertheless immense and unexplored. Various nations and tribes are enrolled in his service; the Cossack and the Tartar alone could furnish half a million of horsemen to aid him in his conquests, were it possible to hold them in union. We naturally ask, who and what is he controlling the capabilities of so vast an empire? Who is the man through whose ambition the flames of war are again kindled? NICHOLAS PAULOWITCH was born at St. Petersburg, July 7th, 1796. He is the third son of the Emperor Paul, and his second wife, Mary of Wirtemberg. His mother, a woman of intelligence and influence, superintended his education, which she committed to General de Lambsdorf, who was assisted amongst others by the Countess de Lieven, the famed philologist Adelung, and Coun | cillor Stork. The last named instructed him in the science of political economy; but he gave himself with greater ardour to military pursuits, and evinced considerable proficiency, especially in the art of fortification. He was also initiated into the flowery walks of modern literature, and became as familiar with the French and German languages, as with his mother tongue. For music he evinced a decided taste, which has since appeared in several military airs composed by him. In after days, those fine arts that can best increase the splendour of a court, found in him a patron. "Artistes love him," said the French; " or, at least, they love his gold. Petersburgh is a dramatic Eldorado; and songsters who have lost their voices find them again when within its boundaries." Nevertheless his masters formed no very exalted idea of his abilities; he was taciturn, melancholy, and absorbed in trifles. His boyhood was the witness of eventful scenes. Europe had long rung with the clamours of war, or the pæans of victory. One restless spirit, of genius dazzling like the lightning, disturbed the world. Napoleon advanced upon Russia. Its snows, and barren steppes, and patriot warriors, could not intimidate him; but "The meteor of conquest allured him too far." History records no more fearful and gigantic tragedy than that which followed. Nicholas was too young to play a part on the stage; but of the events of that terrible drama, from its T commencement to its consummation, he was a silent and distant spectator. A character moulded under such circumstances was likely to be stern and vindictive. daughter of a private Polish gentleman, and he had no disposition to break his word; he dreaded being poisoned. Nicholas accordingly assumed the reins of government with, at least, expressions of regret. Now came a terrible struggle. A vast conspiracy had been gradually forming, the leaders of which were officers of rank. Secret societies were in course of organization, and the nobility were extensively implicated As far back as 1817, the unfortunate Colonel Pestel had originated the idea; a man of such talent and discrimination, that though he was the victim of his high desires, many of the rules and regulations he had embodied in his work on Russian law were adopted afterwards in the ukases of Nicholas himself. On the restoration of peace, he left Russia to travel, and visited the principal battle-fields where his country had won renown for the prowess of its sons. He passed through several European states; and, in 1816, disembarked on the shores of England, where he was cordially welcomed by the court and aristocracy. On returning home, he endeavoured to acquaint himself with the condition of Russia, travelling through the various provinces, and residing for a while in their chief cities. On the 13th of July, 1817, when scarcely twenty-one years old, he married Charlotte Louisa, the eldest daughter of There were two classes of conspirators Frederick William III., of Prussia, and the enthusiastic lovers of liberty, who sister of the present king. This prin- in their intercourse with foreign nations cess, born in July, 1798, embraced the in recent wars, had seen and appreciGreek religion, and adopted the name ated its influence; and the more cautious of Alexandra Fodorona. At this time partisans of a political selfishness, who, Nicholas had few expectations of the while they sought to exonerate themimperial crown. The future empress selves from the degradation of an autowas of graceful form and winning cracy, aspired to the dignity of oligarchs. manners, but, in later years, her soft The heterogeneous character of these blue but sunken eyes told of the fatigue men was fatal to their success; the and anxieties consequent on her eleva- straightforward though discreet action tion. She is now, in appearance, like a of the one party, whose object was inpassing shadow. Her husband's attach-dependent of themselves, and abstractment is strongly manifested whenever edly noble, could not coalesce with the she falls overcome by weakness or dis- time-serving policy of the other, whose ease; but, in strange forgetfulness, only aim― self-aggrandisementwhen the semblance of health will intrinsically mean. No distinct plan allow, he compels her, for political con- of operation had been formed, no spesiderations, to exhaust her feeble ener-cific agreement as to the rights they gies in the gaiety of feasts, or the hurry of reviews and public journeys. Four sons and three daughters, the pride of their parents, were the product of this union. Alexander Nicolaiewitch, the present heir to the throne, was born in 1818. He is well educated, and polite, but timid; and fearful, it is said, of his father's sternness. In 1825, his eldest brother, the Emperor Alexander, died at Taganrog, while on a journey in the south of Russia. His death was sudden and mysterious, and has yet to be explained by history. The Grand Duke Constantine, then at Warsaw, was his rightful successor, and Nicholas hastened to take the oath of fidelity. But Constantine had already renounced his claim in a paper he had secretly signed on the occasion of his marriage with the -was should claim had been made, when the abdication of one monarch and the accession of another seemed to indicate an opportunity for a decisive blow. The soldiers were called together to swear allegiance to Nicholas; they had previously sworn fidelity to Constantine, and there are few things more respected by a Russian than his oath. It was omitted to explain the circumstances attending this change of masters. The ceremony commenced. The officers immediately, stepping out of their places, denounced Nicholas as an usurper, and declared that he held Constantine in confinement. They scrupled not to invent the most unconscionable lies, and palming these on the troops, induced them to revolt. They led the way to St. Isaac's plain, where stood the senatehouse, the admiralty, and the great cathedral; and the soldiers cried, "Constantine and the Constitution!" Little did they, poor serf-born automata, know of the meaning of that latter word. They were told it meant Constantine's wife. Milarodovitch, the Governor of Petersburgh, and the veteran favourite of the army, who had been foremost in the battles of his country, was sent to parley with them; but he was answered by shots, thrown down on the ground, and pierced with bayonets. The archbishop advanced in full episcopal attire, but his voice was drowned in the beat of drums. The populace began to sympathize with the military, and men of liberal opinions, forewarned of the event, thronged armed to their aid. The tide of tumult and death swept on to the imperial palace. The Emperor and the Empress had proceeded alone to their chapel, and on their knees upon the altar steps had mutually sworn to die as sovereigns, if they failed to triumph. Then placing himself at the head of the guard that yet remained loyal, the Czar rode out, and confronted the rebels. Standing before them, with haughty bearing, he cried in a firm tone: "Return to your ranks—obey—down upon your knees!" The energy of his voice and countenance, calm, though pale, and the veneration with which every Russ regards the person of his Sovereign, prevailed. Most of the soldiers kneeled before their master, and grounded their arms in token of submission. They say in Petersburgh that while he harangued them, one of the conspirators four times came forward to kill him, and four times shrunk back in fear. One thing is certain, that to the intrepid self-possession of that hour he is indebted for the continuance of his authority. Victory now was easy. He retired from the spot; and wherever resistance was made, the artillery played upon the gathering crowds, and the fire of musketry completed the work of destruction. The day closed, the 25th of December, and night spread its pall over a bleeding but tranquil city. Thus in one day were dissipated the hopes that for eight years had been nurtured in secret. Nicholas seated himself securely on a throne that had long been in jeopardy. The smouldering fires of freedom were quenched. His *De Custine's Russia. conduct on this occasion has been the subject of much controversy; and between the representations of friends and enemies it is difficult to judge; but if there were moments of vacillation, there was also one of rare heroism and courage. We shall have to record another instance, where the same qualities were vividly displayed. Yet, strange to say, this same man fears to ride any but a charger whose spirit has been broken in the ménage; and is fidgetty on field days, when mines or rockets explode. "I did nothing extraordinary," said he to the Marquis de Custine, when conversing on the past. "I said to the soldiers, 'Return to your ranks;' and at the moment of passing the regiment in review, I cried, ‘On your knees.' They all obeyed. What gave me power was, that the instant before I had resigned myself to meet death. I am grateful for having succeeded; but I am not proud of it, for it was by no merit of my own." "My crown was at stake," said he, at another time, to his former tutor, and it was well worth while for me to appear courageous." Through the cowardice or treachery of their companions, the principal conspirators were easily captured. Nicholas displayed a severity as dastardly and mean as his previous firmness had seemed heroic. Many of them were condemned to be quartered, he commuted their punishment for that of the gallows, which, till then, was unknown in Russia. Several hundreds were banished to Siberia, to endure horrors that made even death appear desirable. The Prince Troubetskoi, who had deserted his comrades and begged protection of the Czar at the commencement of the revolt, was sent to linger out existence there in chains, with his head shaved, and a convict's dress on his back, his title and his name being even taken from him. His wife resolved to follow him. She obtained permission, but it was at the sacrifice of nearly all her vast wealth. "No human power has a right," she said, "to separate a wife from her husband; I will share the fate of mine." Seven long years, while the arm of her unfortunate spouse was daily wearied by the unwonted weight of the pickaxe it wielded, did she stay by his side, to cheer him in his living tomb. Her family were springing up around her, and then she besought the Czar to permit them to be sent to Petersburgh, or some civilized city, to receive a suitable education. "The children of a convict," he replied, "will always be sufficiently educated." Seven years more did she wait, and then, at the sight of her languishing children, she wrote, imploring as a favour permission to live in any one place in that wide realm, where medicine was procurable. I am astonished," said Nicholas to the relative presenting her petition, "that any one again dares to speak to me of a family, the head of which has conspired against me!"* 66 In September of the following year, 1826, the coronation of the Emperor took place at Moscow, amidst great pomp and ceremony. Absolutism was henceforth his darling doctrine. I have no conception of a representative monarchy," were his words to the Marquis de Custine. "It is the government of falsehood, fraud, corruption; and rather than adopt it, I would fall back to the borders of China." Russia has no middle classes to form a barrier to his power; the ancient boyards are nearly annihilated, and nobility now is an empty title. Liberty and fraternity are unheard of things, but equality exists on every handthe equality of servitude. The only privileges of the nation are found in its usages, and the only appeal in case of their violation is to the assassin's dagger or the poison-cup. "Despotism," said Nicholas frankly, "is the very essence of my government, and it suits the genius of the land." accused the Porte of having abetted the Circassians in revolt, of assisting the Persians, of fettering the commerce of the Black Sea; in fine, of having disregarded the treaty of Bucharest. The Porte accused Russia of having fomented the insurrection in Greece, and engendered troubles in Moldavia and Walachia. Mutual animosity was aroused. The Russians poured their forces upon the offender. The Czar was present in person, but his presence, since his talent could not compensate for the restraint on his generals, rather impeded than quickened their operations. Turkey performed prodigies of valour and with varying success; but her discipline was defective, and she lacked money. Her foe prevailed rather through her inherent weakness than by his prowess. Of the troops drawn towards the frontier, 120,000 had perished from fatigue or disease on the road, and of those who actually entered her boundaries, 150,000 fell from similar causes, and 25,000 by the sword. Adrianople opened its gates, and the capital of the empire was in danger. At this juncture, at the suggestion of Russia in particular, the Sultan relinguished the struggle, permitting Nicholas to retain authority in Walachia and Moldavia, and agreeing to pay eleven millions and a half of Dutch ducats within eighteen months, a sum from which three millions were afterwards deducted. From that period the Czar has lost no opportunity of extending his influence in the East. In 1833, he assisted the Sultan against Egypt, and landed 5,000 troops on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus. These were withdrawn at the instigation of the Western Powers; but a special treaty was first concluded, by which he gained for himself new privileges, although the maritime states Before the expiration of the first year of his reign, indeed in the month of his coronation, war was declared with Persia. An existing treaty had stipulated that either of the contracting parties should have power, on condition of making a proper indemnification, to enlarge its territories according to circumstances. Russia occupied the coast of Lake Gok-protested. tcha, and offered as an indemnity a tract of land which the Shah of Persia did not think fit to receive. Hostilities were commenced, which were protracted through more than a year, and finally concluded by a treaty, in which the Shah yielded two fine provinces to his opponent, and bound himself to pay twenty millions of silver rubles as the penalty of his resistance. Scarcely was this war ended than another broke out with Turkey. Russia *De Custine's Russia. In May, 1830, the Emperor opened the Polish Diet in person, paying little attention to the complaints that were heard in the assembly. But the 30th of July came with its inspiriting newsPoland resolved to avenge her wrongs and assert her rights. She declared that the Emperor Nicholas had forfeited the throne. Long afterwards, when he thought of this, he said, "Never again will I be a constitutional king." Her resources were few, but her cause was *Revelations of Russia. |