cote's leading consisted in the fact that it contained the combative section of the Tory party, whom it had been sought to classify by the ridiculously paradoxical title of Tory Democrats, and the effect of it was manifest in the formation of the new Ministry by the translation of Northcote to the House of Lords, with the title of Earl of Iddesleigh and the office of First Lord of the Treasury, the appointment of Beach as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the admission, per saltum, of Lord Randolph to the Cabinet as Secretary of State for India.

Smith's services undoubtedly warranted the expectation that he would be offered high office, but the domestic condition of the Conservative party made him quite prepared to be left out in the cold. His letters to his daughter Emily at this time give an almost consecutive account of events :

June 9.

I have been down to the House to hear Gladstone move the adjournment until Friday, "as the Cabinet had thought it their duty to submit a humble communication to the Queen, the nature of which he did not feel at liberty to disclose," but which meant the Government had resigned. It has come very quickly indeed; much more suddenly than I expected, but I fancy the Government themselves rather look for it as a relief from their troubles. . I suppose by the time you return a government may be in course of formation, and I may or may not be in it. I shall not put myself forward for it; but I shall take it if it comes and if I like the berth.

June 10.

I have seen some

I have no news and little gossip to tell you. of the Ministers walking and driving, and they all appear to be in roaring spirits at their escape from the intolerable position in which they found themselves.

June 11.

I have had a talk with two or three men to-day. At one time I did not think I should be in the new Conservative Cabinet if one is formed, as room must be found for two or three new men, and I am far from being a ready debater, but it does seem now more probable that I shall be included. I pity the man who has to form the new Government, but he must cast aside all personal feeling, and make the best piece of machinery that he can for the sake of the country, which really is in a bad way I fear. .

...

A.D. 1885.]

LETTERS TO HIS DAUGHTER.

271

June 13.

Nothing settled yet, so far as I know, but rumours of all kinds are flying about, with the foundation of the inner consciousness of the rumour maker.

I have been hard pressed, however, this morning, for, as we were at the Queen's ball last night, I would not have breakfast until ten this morning, and from that time until now I have had a succession of visitors.

I ought to have gone to Mr Strutt's organ party at Brixton, but as I have to dine at the Trinity House on Tower Hill at seven, and to propose prosperity to the Corporation, and the health of H.R. H. the Master, I shall have a fair day's work.

June 14.

I was at the Trinity House grand dinner last night, with the Duke of Edinburgh in the chair, as Master. The Prince of Wales, Prince George of Wales, the Duke of Cambridge, and Prince Edward were there. The speakers were the two princes, the Duke of Cambridge, Sir Stafford Northcote, Lord Northbrook, Harcourt, Lord Derby, and myself so we were judiciously sandwiched. It was a very pleasant party, but droll from the singular relations in which we stood to each other side by side-one set out and the other set not in.

CARLTON CLUB, June 16.

I have come down here to get the news, for I heard nothing from anybody during the morning which was news. . came in this morning, looking very much disturbed and anxious. He was surprised, I think, to find that I was taking things very coolly, and going out for a walk with the girls. I am still very uncertain if I shall have office at all, although many people say I shall, but I shall not be at all sorry to be left out of any combination at present. A position of greater freedom and less responsibility will be very far from disagreeable to me. By 12 to-morrow, when we meet again at Arlington Street, I suppose I shall know something decisive; and as I know you will be curious to hear, I will telegraph to the Pandora at Falmouth.

How perfectly sincere Smith was in these expressions of indifference to personal advancement is proved by a letter which earlier in the same year, February 22, he had written to Northcote in view of the possibility of the Opposition being called to office. It referred to the imminence of that time when moderate and earnest men of all parties, actuated by a loftier principle than merely to

"Pursue the triumph and partake the gale,"

should draw together in the formation of a Constitutional party. This, ever since the death of Palmerston, had been Smith's chief hope for the future of his party, to realise which he was perfectly willing to sacrifice his own public

career:

I have not taken any step with regard to Goschen, and I shall not do so. It is for you and Salisbury to consider whether the circum

stances of the times require that an effort should be made to unite all strong men in the endeavour to save the country. . . Goschen has weight in the country, if not in the House, and if one of the difficulties in approaching him was to make room in the Cabinet for him, and perhaps another, I am perfectly ready to stand aside alto

A.D. 1885.]

SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WAR.

273

gether, and to give you from the back benches all the help I can to bring things round. We have a very dark and stormy future before us, and no personal interest or personal ambition ought to stand in the way of doing the best that is possible.

But Smith's old colleagues knew too well his value to entertain this offer. He was appointed Secretary of State for War, his old post at the Admiralty being filled by Lord

George Hamilton.

The contrast afforded by Smith's pacific personal appearance and staid demeanour to the formidable attributes of his new office proved irresistible to the pungent but not unfriendly satire of 'Punch.' 1

1 Messrs Bradbury & Agnew, publishers of 'Punch,' have kindly

S

My office [he wrote to Miss Giberne] is nominally superior to the Admiralty, but I should have preferred the old post. I have taken, however, that which the Chief thought best for me and for the Government. We have great responsibilities before us, and I can only hope and trust that we may have wisdom and strength enough to do our work to the advantage of the country. If it were not that men and things are in the hands of a higher power, I should be inclined to despond as to the future; but with that sense of unseen strength, I hope that all will come well for our country.

The new Ministry met Parliament for the first time on July 6, and set their hand to the heavy work which had to be transacted before prorogation.

I have been sitting [writes Smith to his wife half an hour after midnight on July 27] on the bench since 4.15, without moving from it for more than twenty minutes to get some soup and some cold meat, but I have got all my votes, and got them well. However, I really could not write to you, as I had to speak or to watch what other men were saying all the time, and now I seize the first moment to send a line to you, but it will only be for the second post.

But Parliament showed how it can transact business when it is in the mood for it. The new Budget, the Indian Budget, and the whole of the Votes in Supply, were finished within six weeks; and on August 14 that House of Commons which Mr Bright had once declared to be "the best ever returned," sat for the last time to receive the Queen's message proroguing Parliament.

The autumn of 1885 is not one likely to be forgotten by those who were candidates at the general election. From the moment when the Gladstone Ministry resigned, the country rang with platform speeches from the Cassiterides. to Ultima Thule - from the Naze to Cape Clear. The anxiety to secure support from the newly enfranchised rural labourers gave prominence to Mr Jesse Collings's formula of "three acres and a cow," which became the battle-cry of the Liberal party; while, on the other hand, the importance of the Irish vote in many English and Scottish borough conconsented to the reproduction of these caricatures, which were produced at the time by Mr Harry Furniss.