VOL. III.

Weekly ESSAYS in

JANUARY, 1733.

5

may be very injurious to bis Patron, by weakening that Principle upon which alone be seems to have any Credit with any Part of Mankind, and even with Socrates himself.

Of Tyranny, Anarchy, and Free Go-
London Journal, Jan. 6. No. 706.

vernments.

Dolizers of Power have fo

debauch'd

Concludes with a Remark on a Paper of his, intitled, A Discourse on Infidelity, fign'd SOCRATES (fee p.1071.) Whatever imaginary Deity he would be- A stow on Virtue and Morality, in Oppofition to the Principle of Self-Love, he is actually espoufing the Cause of Immorality, by destroying the natural and genuine Principle by which alone it can fubfift. If the Pleasure which each B Individual proposes to himself, in the doing a virtuous and friendly Action, be not the Motive upon which he acts, it's impoffible any Principle should be found in human Nature, upon which Morality can be supported. It will therefore be incumbent on him to prove, that " the Concern which a friendly Man feels at the Misfortunes of one he has a Regard for, proceeds from any other Motive, than the Pleafure he proposes to himself of being freed from the Uneasiness he feels on D God, are prostituted to the Support of

Account of his Friend; and that the Relief he gives him is not acting upon the Principle of Self-Love: Since, if the Misfortunes of his Friend gave him no Uneasiness, he could have no Motive to relieve him."

the Minds of Men with false No-
Politicks, that some celebrated Writers
tions of human Nature, Morals, and
have supposed Mankind so ill made,
that they could not fubfift without
Subjection to Power. Anarchy, or the
State of Man without Government,
Confufion; and a State of Nature, as
they have represented as Chaos and
a continual War of every Man against
Truth, Justice, and the Honour of
every Man. Thus human Nature,

arbitrary Power; altho' a State of Na-
and arbitrary Power.
ture is infinitely preferable to Tyranny

Man's allowed to do what he will with
A State of Nature is, where every
his own Person and Property, confif-

To say, that a benevolent Man and E tent with otherMen's; and those common

a felfish Man are diftint Characters, is
saying nothing. They are indeed di-
Rights are so eafily difcerned, that the
stinct in the Estimation of Mankind,
Indians live much better than Men un-
and in Nature too, while the benevo-
der any Tyranny and arbitrary Govern-
lent Man's Uneasiness is produced by
owing to their being untaught by those
ment. Their Virtue and Happiness are
the Regard he has for his Friends, and F whose highest Interest it is to deceive
them.

the selfish Man's by the Regard he
has for himself; but does this prove
Self-Love is not the immediate Motive
of both their Actions? Are they not
both prompted to Action from fome
Uneafiness, in the removing of which G Savages knowing nothing of, are blef-

a Good is proposed to each Individual? The Cause of this Uneasiness is not material. Socrates can't diftinguish between the immediate Spring of moral Attions, which is the Defire of Good founded upon Uneafiness, and that which produces this Uneasiness. When he has thought of this, he will hardly burt his Head again in a Controversy, which, in the Manner he conducts it,

the Source of almost all Murders, Rob-
The great Inequality of Property is
selves; which the wifer and happier
beries, and other Vices among our-

sed with Security and Eafe: For, they
fufficient unto the Day is the Evil, and
naturally afssent to that divine Truth,
the Good thereof too; every Man pro-
Hand, invading no Man's Property, is
vides for himself and his Offspring,
invaded by no Man, and they are
content to die as they live, not worth
for it, they have no Occafion for Go-
a Groat; when they have no Occafion

vernment: For all Government owes its
Neceffity to the Inequality of Property..

Universal Spertator, Jan. 6. No. 222.

Of ACTION.

ACTION is the Art of proper

They who have learnt to admire
the Power of Tyranny as Sacred and
Divine, are debauch'd as much in their A
Religion as Morals: Publick Good, in
their Apprehenfion, is as little the
Measure of Government in the Uni-
verse, as in the State. Omnipotence,
they think, would hardly be itself, was
it not at liberty to difpenfe with the B a proper and becoming Manner. Sup-

Laws of Equity, and change at Plea-
fure the Standard of moral Rectitude.

Gesture, expreffing our Ideas and
Conceptions in the most graceful and
intelligible Manner; and deferves the
clofest Application of a Performer. By
this the Powers and Faculties of Na-
ture are taught to exert themselves in

pose, for inftance, an Actor, by the
poetical Justice of an Author, is in the
fame Person and Play, obliged to per-
fonate the different Parts of a King
and a Begger. Before he can be Maf-
ter of the Action proper for each Per-
sonage, he must lay down certain Prin-
ciples by which he is to govern him-
felf in the Representation: As thus:
He confiders that the Person of a King
is attended with Magnificence, Gran-

That Government only is just and
perfectly free, where there are no Laws
but what relate to the Security of
Person and Property; where the Sub-C
ject may do what he pleases with his
Person and Property, confiftently with
the Rights of others; and where there
is no Power but the Civil, where there
are no Laws but of a Civil Nature,
and those Laws the flanding Measure D deur, and Majesty; his Speech wife,

of Government and Obedience; and

grave, and folemn; his Deportment
stately and majestick; and his Actions
great and heroic: But the fame Man
reduced to the calamitous Circumftan-

on their Liberties.

ees of a Begger, speaks, acts, and be-

The Government of England comes E haves in a Manner suitable to fuch a

the nearest to this Plan of any in the

World. We have our Defects indeed;

and one is, a Spiritual Power extend-

ing to Men's Persons and Properties,

ifluing out Writs and Processes in its

own Name, by virtue of an Authority

which seemed distinct from Civil. There

should be no Power Spiritual, but

what relates to Spirits or Minds, fuch

as turning out disorderly Members;

and that should be without any confe-

quent Penalties relating to Body or E-

ftate.

Condition. Thus, by a Propriety of

Gesture, the Actor will possess the ve-

ry Souls as well as the Eyes and Ears

of an Audience, and communicate to

them the fame Fury and Passion by

which he himself is agitated. The

intelligent Actor confiders the Gestures

that are proper to express that parti-

cular Species of Humour allotted him

by the Poet, enters upon it with a be-

coming Affurance, and performs it

with that Life and Energy, that our

G Eyes are apt to give our Knowledge the
Lie, and almost to perswade us, that
that is real which we know to be Fic-
tion, Representation, and Nature at
fecond hand.

We have other Defects, such as be-

ing unequally represented, the Ufelef-

ness of fome Laws, the Unreasonable-

ness of others, &c. But with all our

Defects, our Government is so good,

that it deferves to be well guarded. H

We should guard against the Growth of

Prerogative, and the least Exercise of

Ecclefiaftical Power; but above all, a-

gainst Corruption in ourselves, by li-

ving within our own Fortunes.

The Weekly Miscellany, Jan. 6. No. 4.

On the TEST ACT

THE following Letter was written

before the Dissenters Resolved to

defift from their attempt to get the Cor-
pora-

poration and Teft Acts repealed; but

as they have only postpon'd their Defigns

the Author thinks proper to give it

Place.

a

ciple advanced in a Paper pretended to

be written by a Friend of his Majesty,

viz. That the People are the Foun-

A tain of all Power and Authority; (See

p. 950.) and then the Parliament being

the Representatives of the People, all

Applications ought to be made to them.
An uncommon Zeal for the Honour of
Religion is another of their Pretences.

THE common Question in all Com-
panies is, Do the Dissenters go on with
their Design of petitioning the Parlia-
ment for a Repeal of the Corporation
and Test Alt?] For my Part, says this
Writer, I could never think they had B For fome Time they have been all fi-

lent about the Repeal, and now many
of them think it an improper Time.
Why? Their Pamphlets affign Rea-
fons of Policy. If, as they affirm, the
making the Sacrament a Test, is pro-

any such Design. The Style of their
Resolutions and Writings shew the con-
trary. For a Petition is always used in
the Nature of a Prayer, and the Sub-
ject Matter of a Prayer is fome Favour.
But the Diffenters openly declare, that C faning and perverting the most folemn

what they mean to apply for, is not
Matter of Favour, but of strict Justice.

Act of Christian Worship, the Repeal
of it ought not to be deferred upon any
Confideration, because finful in itself.
It has been juftly observed by the Au-
thor of the Dispute adjusted, That they
offer'd a Clause a little after the Revi-
Dlution, that the receiving the Sacrament
in their own Meetings should be a Quali-

fication; as if the Place occafion'd any

Alteration in the Action.

What Methods they intend to use

they best know (tho' History is not filent

in this Point) but with respect to the

Ministry they speak plainly, that unless

they will do them Justice, they will op-

pose them at the next Election for

Members of Parliament. This is de-

clar'd by way of Menace; as thinking

their Interest of such Consequence,

that the Ministry dares not disoblige

them. By these moderate Measures the E joyed their Opinions, and the Profef-

Constitution was over-turned in the

Reign of K. Charles I.

We have lived with them inoffen-

fively for many Years; they have en-

fion of them uninterrupted and unen-
vied; even the Liberty of voting in
Elections for our Preachers; which is
a greater Instance of our Moderation.
than of their Modesty. From His Ma-
Fjesty they have met with as much
Grace and Favour as is confiftent with
our Conftitution; from our Conftitu-
tion as much Indulgence as the Legi
lature thought safe to grant them:
Yet fo far are they from being thankful,
that they accuse the Legislature of Op-
preffion; the Bishops and Clergy of
Tyrannical Pride and Ambition; the
whole Communion with the Want of
the Spirit of Religion, Honour, and
Liberty; the whole World, who think
Establishments and Disqualifications
lawful, of Bigotry and Self-Interest.
If by fober Argument they can shew
the Unlawfulness of all Disqualificati-
ons, or this particular Teft, let them do
it; they have tried heretofore and were

They would be thought to have a

particular Regard for his Majesty's Per-

Jon, and Affection for his Government.

But they manifestly flight his Majesty's

Person, and shew more Attachment to

their own Interest than bis. In all their

late Meetings, and Pamphlets, no No-

tice is taken of the King; no Talk of

addreffing bis Majesty, tho' this is a

Point which immediately affects his

Majesty's Safety, as well as the In-G

terest of the Nation; especially in mat-

ters of Religion, where the Supremacy

of the King is more peculiarly con-

cerned; and highly fitting it was, in

Reason and Decency, they should first

have resolved upon addressing his Ma- H

jesty concerning the Qualification of

his own Servants, on whose Integrity

and Abilities so much depends. But

their Conduct is agreeable to that Prin-

foiled. However, 'tis great Chance but the Legislature will agree with the judicious Author of the Dispute adjusted, That whenever the Tolera⚫tion breaks in upon the Establish

ment, or the Establishment upon the • Toleration, the Peace of this King• dom will be at an End.'

of the late K. James, who paid no Regard to the repeated Advices from France, concerning the Pr. of Orange's Designs, till the Prince declared it himA felf, and was ready to fet Sail.

As to K. James's Fleet lying Windbound in the Mouth of the Thames, when the Pr. of Orange fail'd by, its doubted whether our Deliverer was not as much obliged to the Affections of B the Officers and Seamen, who compos'd that Fleet, as to the Winds.

The Craftsinan, Jan. 6. No. 340. Of the NAVY and MILITIA. N these two Bulwarks our Ancestors have fafely relied for many Generations; even during the long and bloody Wars between the Houtes of York and Lancaster, the Party that prevail'd disbanded their Army, as foon as the Action was over, and scorn'd C what are they to do? to secure themselves by a military Go

vernment.

I fuppofe, says D'anvers, it will not be denied that we have at present the finest Navy, and the bravest Seamen in the World; and I hope the former will not be suffer'd to decline, nor the latter by being discourag'd or ill Usage be forc'd into foreign Service. But the common Method of Manning our Fleets by Impreffing, I am perfwaded, is inconfiftent with Magna Charta, the Rights of Englishmen, and of pernicious Consequence to Trade.

Whilft we are able to keep up fuch a naval Power, we shall easily maintain the Sovereignty of the Seas, and safely despise any Attempts from Abroad.

But granting that some foreign Power in the Interest of the Pretender should conjure up a great naval Armament on a Sudden, and steal it into England in a dark Night, or by a favourable Wind,

"The Cafe then is thus, says Mr Trenchard, that 20,000 Men, of which few can be Horse, are landed in England, without any human Probability of being supply'd from Abroad. This D Army shall never march 20 Miles into the Country; for they cannot put themselves in a marching Posture in less than a Fortnight or 3 Weeks, by which Time we may have 100,000 Militia drawn down upon them; whereof E 10,000 shall be Horse, and as ma ny Dragoons as we please; and if this Militia does nothing but drive the Country, cut off their Foragers, and intercept Provisions, their Army mult be destroy'd in a short Time."

F

But Mr Walfingham lays there can be no absolute Dependance on a naval Force, to oppoje or defeat an Invasion; fee p. 652. Vol. II.] Nobody can be ignorant that the neceffary Preparations for fuch an Enterprize take up a- G Body of Men, which could be pof

If then our Militia is back'd only with 5 or 6000 regular Troops, what Danger can we apprehend from an Invafion? This was the Opinion of the late D. of Marlborough, who declared he would undertake to defeat any

great deal of Time, and require fuch a Number of Ships, that all Europe muft be afleep, if it should pass unobserved. The Spanish Armada confifted but of 18,000 Men; and K. William brought H but 14,000 in 6 or 700 Ships; so that nothing but the most egregious Indolence can expose us to such an Attempt, without fome Warning and Time for Defence. This was the Cafe

fibly landed on us by Surprize, with only his own Regiment of Guards, two or three of Dragoons, and such a Train of Artillery as he could easily draw out: whereas they could not bring any with them of Consequence; nor stand long, having no fortify'd Toruns to fecure themselves.

The Succefs of the Revolution was entirely owing to the Difaffection fpread spread amongst all Ranks and Degrees of People.

Militia are the natural, strongest and most proper Defence of free Countries; and were always rely'd upon in Eng- A land, till the Reign of K. Charles II.

Sir Robert Cotton, in his Advice to K. Charles I. lets him know how the People resented his keeping up an Army in the Winter; tho' we were then in War both with France and Spain.

When the D. of Alençon came to the Court of Q. Elizabeth, and for some Time had admir'd the Riches of the City, the Conduct of her Governement, and the Magnificence of her Court, he ask'd her, amidst so much Splendour, where were her Guards? Pointing to the People, (who received her in Crouds with repeated Acclamations) These faid the, my Lord, are my Guards. These have their Hands, Hearts, and Purses always at my Command.

To this it has been objected by the Hon. Gentleman and his Advocates, that the Circumstances of Affairs in Europe are entirely alter'd in this Respect.

The Difficulty is, in getting them
disbanded, as Mr Gay observes:
Soldiers are perfect Devils in their Way, [lav
When once they'rerais'd, they're cursed hard to

The Daily Courant, Jan. 9.
Remarks on the Craftsman..

THE Inconfiftency of the Craftfman may be easily evinced, if we only compare his Journal of the 15th B of April laft (fee p.701) with the foregoing of the 6th Instant.

D

Suppofing, as he affirms, that the Militia were the only Forces made use of in the Wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster; how does this C prove, that our Ancestors relied wholly on the Militia against an Invafion of foreign regular Troops? Or, fupposing the Militia in those Days, or even in the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, were to be relied on against a foreign Invasion, will the Craftsman affert, that the Militia of these Days, (who, he acknowledges, are good for nothing but cramming their Guts) equals in Bravery the Militia in those Reigns ? But, says he, nothing can be more absurd than to suppose that the Miliplains, that it's in vain to propose any Scheme of this Kind, whilst no Pains are spared to make the Militia contemptible; tho' in the Paragraph juft before, he had himself called them, ming their Guts at the Expence of their industrious Fellow-Subjects.

This Alteration took Place when most of the free States of Europe were E tia can't be made useful; yet com

converted into abfolute Monarchies. Yet ftill in Holland and other free States the inland Towns are defended by their Militia and Burghers only.

I would not be thought to mean, adds D'anvers, that our Militia are fit F " Men fit for no Service, befides cram

"

to defend our Country or indeed for any Thing, befides furnishing the Town with a ridiculous Diversion, and cramming their Guts at the Expence of their Industrious Fellow-Subjects. For this Reason they are laid afide every where G observed; one, that Mr Trenchard

but in Middlesex. See p. 208. Vol. I.

But it's abfurd to suppose that the Militia cannot be made useful. - From whence is our present Army rais'd but from the Body of the People? Do's clapping a red Coat upon a Man's Back H their Guts: With which, no doubt, the

Mr Trenchard is his great Oracle. In the Quotation which Mr D'anvers takes from him, two Things are to be supposes 20,000 regular Forces may be landed upon us in a dark Night; the other, that the 100,000 Militia are not supposed to have been made useful, but Men fit for no Service but cramming

make him a Soldier? May not a great Part of the present Army when difbanded be incorporated into the Militia?

Nation would be better pleased than 18,000 regular Forces. For, suppose these 20, coo regular Forces landed in Scotland, what is to be done? Draw down,