PRIVATE MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN ROCK. CHAPTER XVIII. THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. The late House of Parliament, now the Bank of Ireland. Historians inform us that the kind of national assembly; and many salutary laws emanated from this body. Some have questioned the truth of this statement; but it is so like what has been done in the infancy of all nations, that, even were it started only as an hypothesis, I should find no difficulty in crediting it. Writers of veracity, however, leave no doubt upon the subject; and it is to be lamented that so useful an institution had, through the anarchy of the times, become obsolete at the period the Normans landed in Ireland. IT being now the beginning of April, the political world was all in motion. The Duke of Portland had succeeded Lord Carlisle in the viceroyship of Ireland, and Mr. Fox's administration had com menced operations in England. Lord Charlemont, Grattan, and Teamor (Tarah) was the royal seat several other Whigs, had been of the kings of Ireland, and the principal visited by the secretary of state, and court of legislation from the days of Ollam a declaration of national independ. Dermod Mac Carroll (A. D. 560); so Fodhla (A. C. 600) down to the reign of ence was immediately anticipated. that the Fes (Great Council) of Teamor conBefore I describe the events tinued from time to time, through a series which now rapidly succeeded each of more than eleven hundred years. Since the year of Christ 560, our national assemother, it is absolutely necessary blies were removed from Teamor, and that I should give a condensed kept occasionally in the other parts of the history of the Irish parliament, an island, patrimonially subject to the north institution to whose wisdom the and south. Hy Nialls Teamor, for some wicked proceedings (of which great Rocks are greatly indebted for tional councils give but too many in-losophy of common sense, would perpetual opportunities of signal- stances), was pronounced accursed, and no izing their abilities and hereditary monarch of Ireland sat there, after the love of riot. Like most other period we have mentioned, down to the national assemblies, whether an- derick.'-O'CONNOR'S Dissertation on dissolution of the monarchy under Rocient or modern, the Irish parlia- the History of Ireland. History is, at best, but a dull romance; and that of Ireland, in particular, abounds so much in falsehood, that I know no one less interesting. Would to God some native writer, acquainted with the Irish language, and learned in the phi write a history of that country! we should then get rid of those dull annalists who transcribe the studied misrepresentations of Cambrensis, Matthew Paris, &c. who tell us -a word, according to Selden, of a more modern origin, and which, he contends, proves this modus to be a forgery. Certain it is, there remains no proof of any parliament being then held, though a statute of Richard III. alludes to some laws of Henry II.; but probably these were royal ordinances, with which a parliament had nothing to do. From the reign of John, therefore, we must date the origin of the Irish parliament. The assemblies held in these early times, however, did not pretend to represent the Irish people; for, even in the reign of Henry VIII. not more than thirteen counties sent members to parliament. Mary added two more, and Elizabeth seventeen. The institution of boroughs belongs to that Scotch pedant, James I. and thus by degrees was established that sink of corruption, the Irish House of Commons. that the whole island submitted to Henry II. and swore to obey the English laws. This was fine romancing; the English at that time were the most enslaved and oppressed people in the world.* They were ruled by brute force, and did not receive their first charter of liberty until many years after; but the same historians supply us with indirect proofs that the Irish princes did not promise to obey the English laws; for Henry, though he did not stop more than five months in Ireland, magnanimously granted to his Norman friends the province of Ulster, Meath, Brefney, &c. provided they could conquer them; a very good proof that they were not his either by conquest or by concession. But the truth is, the Irish princes, who are said to have embraced the proposal with avidity, could not accept the English laws; for two plain reasons: first, because they could possibly know nothing about them; and, secondly, because they had no authority to abrogate the laws of their subjects; for every sept, fifty of whom were frequently in a district of fifty miles extent, had laws of their own, over which the Tiarra or Ardrhia, principal chief or king, had no control. In succeeding reigns we find the septs of the Birnes, O'Tooles, &c. choosing their Canfinnies within the English pale, and with the concurrence of the English authorities; another proof that at the time of Henry's visit there had not been one word about English laws, the existence of which appears to me very doubtful, for that kingdom was, or, at least, had recently been, governed by The state of the elective franmilitary despotism; and, conse- chise, at this time, must prove quently, could have no laws cal- highly gratifying to those who culated to supersede those humane condemn the perjury of modern ones already existing in the king-freeholders: elections were then dom of Ireland. conducted in the most orderly manner; for, to tell the truth, the With equal veracity historians tell us Henry transmitted Ireland a modus + for holding a parliament See documents in proof of this in Mr. Henry's History of England.' This supposed modus, I believe, is yet in existence. Molyneux says he saw it. At first parliament seem to have had but little to do, for their sittings seldom extended beyond fourteen days. A session was held once in two years, but there are instances of their not meeting for nine, ten, and twenty years. this, however, the M. P.'s of the day seldom complained; and good reason why they held their seats during the will of the sovereign, and, as they were always remarkably loyal, there was seldom a dissolution but on the death of the king, whose fate they bewailed to day, and and to-morrow returned thanks to Heaven for the accession of his successor. Their only display of eloquence was fined to these occasions. con. people generally neither knew nor inquired who had the honour of representing them. The people of Cork had so little idea of the services rendered by their member in the imperial parlia. ment that it required an order of the English House of Commons to compel them to pay his expenses. At length came the glorious Revolution, which completely enslaved Ireland, and totally destroyed the independence of her parliament. King James's Irish parliament asserted and acted on even more liberal principles than those established in 1782; but, as some of its members were Catholics, their Protestant successors despised imitating their example, and became the vicious tools of a vicious ad. ministration. Molyneux, the friend and correspondent of the Socinian Locke, wrote a pamphlet, demonstrating Ireland's claim to national independence; but the loyalists, who were delivered from "slavery, popery, and wooden shoes," had so few ideas of freedom, that their parliament ordered the work to be burnt by the common hangman. From this period, for half a century, the Irish parlia ment, for want of something else to do, amused themselves in transmitting bills to the English Commons for approval, and resolving that they were Protestant loyalists, and hated popery.' Providence, however, has said to Corruption,Thus far, and no farther, shall you go." In 1750 There are several instances of Irish members sitting in the British House of Commons. In the parliament of 1653, Ireland had eleven representatives, one of whom was Lord-General Cromwell; and, in 1659, she had twenty-eight representatives, two of whom were for the province of Connaught. + William Molyneux was born in Dublin, in 1656, and received his education in Trinity College. In 1685, he was appointed engineer and surveyor of the works, and elected member of the Royal Society. Soon after the Revolution he was elected representative for Dublin, and afterwards for the College, but did not long enjoy this honour, for he died in 1698, aged 42, and has a monument erected to his memory in St. Audon's Church. Molyneux was a good mathematician, and inventor of the telescopic dial; but he is best known as the author of a "The Case of Ireland pamphlet entitled, which were borrowed from Locke. considered;" a work, the principles of there was a surplus of 200,0001. in the Irish exchequer, and about the disposal of this petty sum the M. P.'s quarrelled. Speeches for the first time were heard in parliament, and those who made them excited some curiosity. A dubious kind of reputation followed, and this served to stimulate others; boroughs rose in price; and, as men don't like to for pay money nothing, an opposition was established; but still, the duration of parliament being unlimited, little could be done to resuscitate so corrupt a body, until Lucas, in 1768, obtained a law making parliament octennial, and from that moment something like a spirit of independence was generated. The influence of the crown, however, was diminished, but not destroyed, and the Irish revolution of sighty-two was brought about by the very corruption then existing in the Irish parliament. no city in Europe can boast so THE ENLIGHTENED ENGLISH. than man was WITCHCRAFT.-(From the Suf- As in former days of gross 6 proof undeniable.’— Among other things it was said, that the friends of the afflicted woman had recourse to the means While parliament had little to do, they held their meetings at various places; some of their acts were dated Trim, Dogheda, Nass, Wexford, Carlow, Limerick, Clare, Balldoil, Waterford, Kilkenny, and Cashel, but most frequently Dublin, where they met, sometimes in the Castle, and some. times in Christ Church, where there is yet a room called the Common-recorded in witchcraft annals for house. It appears that they had no stationary place for their sittings, and frequently transacted business in private houses, one of which, called Chichester-house, stood where the present Parlia ment-house, alias the Bank of Ireland, now stands. The foundation of this edifice was laid in 1729, and, after undergoing a variety of alterations from time to time, was finished in 1791, at an expense of 40,000. The Ionic is the prevailing order, with the exception of the eastern front, which, at the request of classic lords, was built in the Corinthian: this incongruity, however, detracts but little from this noble piece of architecture. The very look of it reminds one of ancient Greece and Rome, and detecting the devil's agent; and, good old-fashioned ordeal of sink or swim.' The proposal was readily caught at. Time and place were agreed on-the following Saturday, at two o'clock, in a large pond, called the Grimmer, on Wickham Green. Four men were appointed to walk into the water with him, and the constable of the parish engaged to attend and keep the peace. The sides of the pond were crowded with spectators-men, women, and children. Stebbings had on his breeches and shirt, and, when the men had walked with him into the water breast-high, they lifted him up, and laid him flat upon his back on the water. Stebbings moved neither hand nor foot, and continued in that position for ten minutes. This was the first trial, and the spectators called out, Give him another.' Another trial was accordingly given, for the same length of time, and with the same result. 'Try him again, and dip him under the water,' was then the cry. They did so : one of the four men pressed his chest, and down went his head, whilst up came his heels; in' a word, he was like a piece of cork in the water. These trials kept the poor old fellow three quarters of an hour in the pond, and he came out more dead than alive.' Still, some were not satisfied. Another man, they said, of his age and size, ought to be swam with him. Stebbings agreed even to this, for he was determined to get rid of the imputation, or die. The following Saturday was appointed for the purpose, and a man called Tom Wilden, of Bacton parish, near by, was named for his companion. The story now got more wind, and hundreds of people from all the neighbouring parishes attended to witness the second ordeal. But, in the interval, the clergyman of the parish, and the two church wardens, had interfered, and the swimmers were kept away, to the no small vexation and disappointment of the deluded multitude. It is now gravely told, that, at the very time Stebbings was swam, the afflicted farmer alluded to above was unusually perturbed; he cried out, I can see the imps all about me; I must frighten them away with my voice;' and his delusion and his noise, as Stebbings did not sink, are put down to his account. To complete the affair, a respectable farmer in a neigh bouring parish has been. it is said, to some cunning man,' and learnt to a certainty that Stebbings is a wizard. The sum of three pounds was paid for this intelligence, upon the assurance that Stebbings should be killed by inches.' We have given up a larger space to this foolish affair than, in the opinion of some, it may deserve; but, if we may be allowed to feel with others, for the honour and character of the age, surely we may for the county in which we live. Exposure, though unpleasant, is often salutary. EVENINGS AT HOME. Rock. Any letters to-day, Morgan? O'Doherty. Yes, Captain: one from Ned Hay, the ex-secretary to the Catholics. Rock. Read it. (O'Doherty reads.) 'Dublin, July 25, 1825. DEAR CAPTAIN-Allow an admirer of your patriotism to correct an error into which you have fallen, respecting the origin of the volunteers. The county of Wexford was, undoubtedly, the first in which volunteers were enrolled; but, I regret to add, that it was the only county in which Catholics were excluded from these national ranks. Wexford Catholics were certainly found among the volunteers, but they had to travel into neighbouring counties before they could obtain admission: a fact to be accounted for only by another fact that, wherever the privileged class are fewest in numbers, there are to be found the greatest intolerance, illiberality, and bigotry.' Rock. Ned is right; and I am extremely sorry in having paid a compliment where no compliment was due. Protestants in Wexford are to Catholics as one to fifty.Yet, previous to Ninety-eight, this one tortured and oppressed the other fifty. Vengeance, however, overtook them, as I shall show when I come to that period of my memoirs; since which time both parties have behaved themselves with that propriety which characterizes combatants after a drawn battle. In Gorey and Enniscorthy there was some years ago a vile set of Orangemen ; but, as these loyalists could not condescend to become industrious, they soon found it necessary to emigrate. Archy Jacob's corps is now, I understand, reduced to Ned Askins, the butcher, and a dozen of the Sparrows, who are all shoemakers, in Barrack Lane. But, finish Ned's letter. (O'Doherty resumes.) No. 19, of your far and widely distributed "Gazette,” to that gen. tleman, touching his conduct towards Mr. O'Connell in the late Wing affair. 'You, even you, have charged Mr. Lawless with cowardice. God forbid that I should be capable of wishing for any unpleasant occurrence between those gentlemen; there has been already but too many of them: but surely you cannot point to any part of Mr. L.'s conduct which would justify the charge of cowardice made in No. 19 of the "Gazette." I don't wish to say more on the subject; and, as I know you are candid, as well as wise and gallant, I expect you will explain away the very disagreeable circumstance. Your admiring servant, 'T. M. G.' As for myself, Captain, I am nearly forgotten by those in whose services I have spent twenty years of my life; but, though their ingratitude hurts, it does not make me less the advocate of their cause. I am still, I trust, of some small service to my Catholic countrymen; for, little as they now think of me, the Irish Viceroy is not above ask-reproached him for refusing to ing my advice, and inviting me to his table. Of the men who have assumed the dictatorship, I shall at present say nothing; but their characters shall stand unveiled in the history of my own times, on which I am now engaged. With every respect for your public virtue, I am, yours, EDW. HAY.' 'Dublin, July 20, 1825.' Rock. Surely no one could have supposed that I attributed to Law. less a want of personal courage. I knew too well Jack's metal to allude to such a thing, and only speak out, openly and manfully, the sentiments which were struggling within him for utterance. I rejoice that my words have produced the intended effect; for Lawless has, at length, (thanks to my Gazette,') abandoned the under growl, and attacked O'Connell in a way which has redound. ed to his credit. He should have acted at first as I did-state his opinions candidly, without any forced or affected compliments to his opponent; for a public man is to be judged by his public acts, and not by his talents or private virtues. If any expression of mine has hurt Mr. Lawless, I am sorry for it; for I admire his principles, and have always borne testimony to his abilities. O'Doherty. Here's somebody coming up stairs, Captain. (O'Kavanagh enters.)-Oh! its only Dennis: troth, I was apprehensive it might have been the police. Rock. Tut, you fool! Govern. ment would make a child's bargain with me-let me alone if I'd let them alone. Put up your papers, Morgan, and order tea. O'Kavanagh. Ay, let us have a cup, Captain, for I have been almost choked with Death in a Gallipot;' an article in Taylor and Hessey's-I mean Hunt's-Magazine.Throw physic to the dogs, I'll have none of it; and, if the 'London' can produce nothing better than Death in a Gallipot,' I question if it will live, even till Christmas. Rock. Have you seen the 'Dublin and London ?' O'Kavanagh. I have; the arti. cles are even better than usual. How comes it that you extract none of them? Rock. The reason is obvious every man in Ireland reads the Magazine' as well as my Gazette.' I received upwards of fifty thousand letters, requesting that I would make no extracts from the 'Dublin and London.' What are the articles this month? O'Kavanagh. The Trade and Manufactures of Ireland,' Irish Literature,' Absenteeism,' and the usual quantity of light reading. In' Absenteeism,' however, I suspect they are in error, for they say it is of no injury to Ireland. Rock. They borrowed that opinion from me; and it is quite correct. All the talk about absentees is mere nonsense; and I am very glad that the Magazine' has exposed the sophistry that would persuade the people that the absence of landlords is a grievance. A free press, Dennis, after all, is a most powerful engine. Already have my Gazette,' and this Magazine,' given a turn to public feeling. Sir Charles Morgan has now discovered that Ireland wants only a restoration of her rights; and Mr. Lambert, of Carnagh, says Paddy has too long been boasting of his qualities; it is time he should get a little pride. These things I have said months ago. O'Kavanagh. Yes; and the people are beginning to grow ashamed of those imputations which they formerly heard without a blush. The calumnies of the Saints have awakened them to a sense of what they owe themselves and religion; and we may now expect to see them dignified in their own opinion. What think you of the New Association? Rock. Much better than of the old one. Its purposes are more legitimate and useful; and, since the government has determined to put down the Orangemen, I think the Catholics should not interfere. O'Kavanagh. But the Orangemen have triumphed. Rock. So did the Williamites for a short time. In spite of the Marquis Wellesley they dressed the statue in College Green: but that act of defiance led to their downfall; and the same thing will happen to the Orangemen. Their processions are at an end. Government is stronger than such rag-a-muffins, and will put them down. Their late display was only an expiring struggle; for their death-warrant is signed. His Majesty's ministers have condemned them-the people of England, almost to a man, abhor them-and the Irish government is pledged to their destruction. Any interference of the Catholics would be most injudicious. or set of men, they would be unworthy of freedom; and, in dissenting from Mr. O'Connell on minor points, they are absolutely elevating their characters in the estimation of mankind. God forbid that ever my countrymen should blindly submit to the guidance of any man! The question of emancipation is a plain and simple one. Every man can understand it. It requires no expounder-no commentator-it comes home to the bosoms of men; and I do expect that the humblest peasant in the kingdom will always be ready to give his opinion respecting measures likely to retard or facilitate so desirable an object. Of Mr. O'Connell's talents and honesty of intention I have the highest opinion. I look upon him as an ornament to his religion and country. In fact, I love the man; but never while I live shall he, or any other individual, take upon himself the leadership of Irishmen. Were they tacitly to submit to such a thing, they would prove to the world that they are not fit to be emancipated that they were incapable of thinking for themselves, and afraid to give utterance to their thoughts. The reform of the Irish parliament was prevented by Flood assuming the leadership of the Irish reformers; and similar miscarriage has always taken place when the peo O'Kavanagh. I believe so, too; particularly as they have enough to do in forwarding education, pro-ple moting literature, arts, sciences, &c. I regret that they are not more unanimous. Rock. They are unanimous.— They are agreed in the one great and important object-speedy emancipation. O'Kavanagh. But they are divided about the wings. Rock. So much the better; it shows that they are arrived at that point of information which qualifies every man to judge of political measures; and I am glad that they are honest enough to express their opinions. A great deal of nonsense has been said about unanimity.Were they so slavish as to submit silently to the dictation of any man, confide to others what they should do for themselves. O'Kavanagh. Have you seen O'Connell's answer to Mr. Kinsella's letters? Rock. I have. It is not an answer. O'Connell has got into a dilemma. Compare his sworn evidence before the parliamentary committee with his declarations before and since, and you will see what inconsistency he has been guilty of. O'Kavanagh. Cobbett has attacked him. Rock. Cobbett is a worthless fellow, as I shall show by-and-by ; and O'Connell deserves such a return for owning such a man for his friend. But-tea is ready. |