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the degraded situation of Russia, now subservient to the Tyrant of France, &c.; and moved an address of thanks to his Majesty for his gracious communication of the papers, &c. Lord Grenville was sorry that the vote of thanks was drawn up in terms from which he must dissent. He was convinced that the period at which these proposals were made by the French government rendered a successful negotiation impossible. He perfectly agreed with every thought of the noble earl, and every epithet he had applied to the French Usurper: a despot who had no respect for justice; who exulted at that moment in the idea of destroying the army of Britain then in Spain. In the situation of Spain and Europe at that time, the hunger of his ambition was ungratified; and, unless his temper had been suddenly changed, he could not have been sincere in his overtures for peace. He thought himself sure of seizing on the peninsula, in another month or two; and what was already in his grasp, he was not of a disposition to forego. But, his lordship thought that ministers had conducted this business like ideots. They ought to have placed the Spanish interests after the British; and having first shewn what Britain was willing to part with for peace, they might have induced their antagonist to admit Spanish plenipotentiaries. His lordship also thought, that his majesty's engagements with the Spaniards were unknown to that house, and indeed to the constitution; as parliament was ignorant of them, and, therefore, they were not binding.

The Lord Chancellor vindicated the conduct of ministers; proved, that, during the dis. cussions to which such a conduct would have led, the Spaniards might have been ruined. By such an act the accession of Joseph Buonaparte to the throne of Spain would have been acknowledged. The sincerity and openness of ministers were infinitely better than such covert proceedings.

Lord Sidmouth agreed with lord Liverpool, the noble secretary, in sentiment. Thought that France did not manifest even the semblance of real desire for peace: the proposal was a clumsy trick, which had been played off so often as even to have lost its effect on the people of France themselves. The conduct of Russia was at once despicable and unwise. The emperor was egregiously misled by his passions; but his passions had been kindled by the attack on Copenhagen: an outrage against justice, honour, and sound policy.

Lord Auckland thought the answer to the proposition was injudiciously framed: Spain should not have been mentioned, except under the general term, our allies.". Motion passed nem. con.

House of Lords, Jan. 31-Sir David Baird's letter of acknowledgement read by the lord chancellor.

The earl of Suffolk praised the present state of discipline of the arniy: which he attributed to the duke of York.

The duke of Norfolk was astonished to hear that his majesty had contracted engagenents with the Spanish patriots.

House of Lords, Feb. 1.-The earl of Liverpool laid on the table the papers relativ to the negociation with the American mi nisters.

Lord Erskine, submitted to the house a series of motions, the object of which was to obtain an account of the losses sustained by our army in the last campaign in Spain.

The duke of Norfolk requested to know. when the treaty concluded with Spain, would

be laid on the table.

The earl of Liverpool answered, as soon as the ratifications were exchanged. He observed, that no event had happened since the treaty was negociated, which in his opinion, ought to make any difference in its stipulations; or to cause a difference in the exertions which it would have been proper for this country to make in assisting Spain. The treaty had been signed about a fortnight ago.

Sir Arthur Wellesley's letter of acknowledgment read by the lord chancellor.

House of Lords, Feb. 3.-Copy of papers relative to the proceedings of the board of officers at Chelsea, presented at the bar.

Committee of privileges, on the claim of the Banbury peerage, appointed.

On lord Erskine's notion for information as to all departments of the army returned from Spain.

Lord Liverpool thought accurate returns were impracticable at present.

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House of Lords, Feb. 6.-Lord Boringdon's divorce bill introduced: witnesses heard. Several East-India papers presented.

House of Lords, Feb. 7.-The duke of Kent rose in consequence of a rumour that had gone abroad, to declare that no professional difference existed between him and the duke of York: that he not only loved the royal duke as a brother, but esteemed him as commander-in-chief. He desired this should be made as public as possible.

Earl Grosvenor moved for a committee of the whole house, to consider the late campaign in Spain and Portugal; also the state of the nation. He largely discussed a variety of topics, and acknowledged that if his motion

succeeded he should move an address to his majesty to dismiss his present ministers. His lordship alluded to the French revolution, and the miseries it had brought upon Europe. We had happily escaped the ravages that desolated other countries, yet we had been engaged in war 17 years, and had no hope of peace but by reducing France to distress. The wicked policy of Buonaparte enfeebled the

minds of monarchs and people before he attacked their power: he had done so with the emperor of Russia. He had led him to behold with complacency scenes at which he would formerly have revolted;-even the stagnation of his maritime commerce, to which may be attributed most of the calamities which had befallen Switzerland, Spain, and Sweden. His lordship adverted to affairs of Sweden; to late events in Spain; to our treaty with the junta ; &c. &c.

The duke of Montrose described the speech of the noble earl as the most desultory he had ever heard it was impossible to comply with ît; in his opinion. The disposition of our military affairs in Spain had been good and beneficial; witness the opening of the Tagus, and the diversion in favour of our allies.

Lord Darnley could not conceive on what ground the motion could be resisted.--England could never send an army into the heart of Spain adequate to the expulsion of the armies of France.

Lord Grenville expressed great surprize at any opposition to the motion; a motion so important and so fairly stated. The ministers had challenged inquiry; why not meet it? Was astonished at the language held by the noble duke, as if the interference of the house with ministers was improper. The house had so done during the American war: such interference was its right. The transac tions in Sweden, Spain and Portugal demanded explanation:which this motion would procure.

The lord chancellor' said, he had been aequainted with parliamentary proceedings twenty-five years, and had never known such a motion adopted. It embraced too much. Ministers would willingly answer specific questions but such a mass was too complicated for examination.

Lord Erskine supported the motion: considered the increase of the public burdens as an object of great solicitude.

Lord Liverpool contended that the motion was so vague, that it was not even parliamentary. That when similar motions had been made on occasion of misfortunes at Dunkirk, at the Helder, &c. the noble baron (Grenville) then in administration, had been completely adverse to them, they were calculated in fact to obtain no valuable purpose-but to baffle, and to confound.

Lord Moira adverted to the state of Spain, of Sweden, of America, to the difficulties under which trade labours, to the danger to the linen trade of Ireland, occasioned by want of flax-seed, &c. As individuals he highly esteemed many of his majesty's ministers; but, as a body he considered them as incapable, &c. Lord Harrowby thought the sentiments expressed by certain noble lords (Grenville and Moira) were calculated to extinguish the spirit of the people.This lord Grenville

denied: and applauded the spirit of the nation, the greatness of the navy, &c. Motion negatived without a division.

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House of Lords, Feb. 9.-Council heard on Campbell's divorce bill: to prove the marriage, offered the testimony of Miss Sarah White, who, when very young, had seen a ceremony take place in the island of Jamaica, between the parties, which she was told was a marriage-council stopped by the lord chancellor, who said the house would not acquiesce in such a proof: allowed time to procure better evidence.

Lord Boringdon's divorce bill passed. Lord Auckland hoped all the correspondence with America would be laid before the house.

Lord Liverpool answered, that the Ameri can government had not given publicity to every paper: therefore thought himself justified in following the same course.

Lord Moira moved that the house resolve itself into a committee, on the subject of imprisonment for debt. Anciently in England, before any arrest took place, the debtor was summoned before a committee, in which the existence, the cause, and the circumstances of the debt were investigated: this laudable institution had fallen into disuse among us, and now a debtor was at the sole mercy of his creditor: hence enmity, rivalship, or other base passions, might send a man to jail, where he might langnish years before the cause of insolvency were proved. His lordship wished that the effect of caprice in a creditor should be antiulled; did not mean wholly to remove arrest for debt, but to regulate it. Requested lord Walsingham to take the chair. Lord Walsingham excused himself. Lord Moira said, rather than experience delay, he would take the chair himself: agreed.

House of Lords, Feb. 10.-Lord Auckland moved for the imports and exports of Ireland: for the last three years; also, between Ireland and Atherica, so far as could be made up :His lordship also desired that the instructions of the American government to its representatives in England and France should be laid on the table: his intention was, to shew the offers of retracting the embargo were similar to both countries.

Lord Liverpool presumed that such papers would appear: the existence being notorious

Lord Grenville moved for lord Grey's pote on the order in council, dated Jan. 1, 1807.

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gested the reduction, but he did not like the manner of accomplishing it: thought the committee, as now proposed, a mere delusion on the public, and would not act in it.

Mr. Peter Moore concurred with Mr. Bankes. Complained that the reports of committees were not acted upon a former committee had shewn how £200,000 might be saved at the Bank, but the wise ministers saved only £60,000. In Mr. Steele's business -nothing was done. In reducing places and pensions-nothing was done.

Much discussion ensued on the delay of the report of this committee last session ;complained of, as being a treatise, a volume, rather than a report, and containing matter foreign to its purpose. The resolution to recommend the abolition of all sinecures had caused that delay: many members of the committee being of opinion, that to reduce some was proper, but not the whole. Mr. Charles Long insisted that many reforms had taken place; in his own office, for instance. All the members proposed by chancellor of the exchequer to compose this committee were appointed. Mr. Bankes was re-appointed chairman: Ayes 131, Noes 47.

Gen. Stuart stated, that the late Sir John Moore had desired of him, that such parts of his last dispatches as ministry thought proper, should be published. Some parts contained matters of a very delicate nature.

House of Commons, Jan. 25.-In answer to a question from Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Canning admitted that admiral Saumarez had made an overture to Russia: but without any authority from government.

Lord Castlereagh introduced his motion for an address to his majesty desiring a monument should be erected to Sir John Moore in St. Paul's Cathedral, by observing, that subjects of public gratulation were seldom or never unmixed with occasion of regret that thepresent was a striking instance, of the combination of affliction with gratulation: that we were called to lament the loss of an individual who united all the qualities that could endear the man, to those which distinguish the hero. His lordship adverted to the peculiarities of the closing scene of Sir John's military career: the difficulties of the march, the state of the troops, their dis cipline, health, resolution ;-their confidence in their general,-the completeness of the triumph, inasmuch as the enemy had been decidely routed, and was unable to impede the embarkation of the army. Many other topics of a like nature were com

See this voluminous report, Panorama, Vol. IV. p. 1041 et seq.-Pensions-Compensations-Sinecures-Reversions-with list of members of the House of Commons holding ffices, &c.

bined in his lordship's eulogium on the de ceased general; and made an evident in pression on the house. After this the motion was put and carried unanimously,

Lord Castlereagh moved a vote of thanks to Sir Arthur Wellesley, for his conduct in Portugal. He described the victory of Vi miera as extremely brilliant: enlarged on the skill of the general, and the valour of the troops. Believed every thing that was worthy and excellent of Sir H. Burrard; but as that officer had disclaimed any share in the operations of the day, thought he could not with propriety be included.

Lord Folkstone expressed his dissent from voting thanks on such slight occasions. After a long discussion, on the same grounds as in the house of lords, the motion was put and carried: but lord Folkstone expressly adhered to his dissent. Thanks to the other officers, &c. as usual.

Lord Castlereagh introduced his plan for the augmentation of the military force of this country,by observing that that part of his majesty's speech which recommended such a measure, had given general satisfaction throughout the nation. The object was, to obtain in the shortest time, the greatest possible addition to the army. The experiment had been made: the plan adopted in 1807, added 28,000 men to the line in twelve months. These were transferred from the militia, ready trained; many of them had distinguished themselves at Vimiera and Corunna. The number required had been 45,000: the number received in six months was 41,000. He should propose that no regiment be reduced below three-fifths of its establishment. He wished to raise only 24,000 men. To diminish the pressure on the counties, he would allow out of the public purse the bounty of ten guineas to all raised within a limited time.

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Mr. Tierney said the British army had been most shamefully wasted and before he could vote for its augmentation, he must know by what advisers it was to be directed.

The Chanceller of the Exchequer expressed his readiness to meet inquiry, whether the armies of Britain had been shamefully wasted?" which he denied. The house divided: Ayes 77, Nocs 26.

Mr. H. Martin moved for accounts from the exchequer of the appropriation of the public money, by order of the treasury, from Jan. 5, 1777, to Jan. 5, 1802, (ordered last session); also, money issued to Mr. W. Huskisson, on account of Ceylon.

House of Commons, Jan. 27. -The Speaker reminded the house of an alteration of Great Britain for England made by the lords in a money bill, last session, which alteration was required by the sense of the act.-Committee of Privileges appointed to investigate this incident.

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A Lieutenancy An Ensigncy Money has been lodged in the hands of a third person till the promotion of an officer was gazetted; then this money was paid to Mrs. Clarke, and by her to the Duke of York's silversmith, in part of a debt contracted by the Duke of York, for the lady's service of plate. Mrs. Clarke had procured from the duke an exchange between Lieut. Col. Brooke, of 56th infantry, and Lieut. Col. Knight, 5th dragoon guards, in no longer interval than from Thursday to Saturday, because she was to have £200 for it; and wanted the money immediately. Major Shaw, was appointed deputy barrackmaster at the Cape of Good Hope, for which he was to pay Mrs. Clarke £1,000: but, he only paid £500; and was soon after, by Mrs. Clarke's revenge, put on half-pay. The only instance of such a reduction. H. R. H. also desired the accommodation of a loan of £5,000 from Col. French; in return, he promised to procure payment of money due by government to the colonel, on account of a levy; but the duke failing his promise, the loan was not effected.

the motion. The facts stated by the hon." gent. were of the most serious nature. He hoped the house would go into the inquiry. Charges distinctly stated, H. R. H. was ready to meet. This was all he need say at present. He would only remark, that the present condition of the army reflected the greatest credit on H. R. H. Could the army have achieved such honourable exploits, had it been so ill managed for a series of years ? The army was in a high state of discipline; and the greatest order and regularity had been introduced into it. For these excellencies it was beholden to the commander-in-chief.

Mr. Yorke had never listened to more serious charges. Publications had lately been circulated with uncommon pertinacity; which Mr. Y. believed to be the result of a most atrocious conspiracy against H. R. H.; conducted even with the jacobinical spirit of levelling all authority; of attempting to write down H. R. H., and so to destroy the generals, the army and the military system. The best mode to do justice to the Sovereign, to the character impeached, to the country, would be a parliamentary commission, with power to examine on oath.

Sir F. Burdett thought the subject very important; and to be examined with all so lemnity.

Mr. Adam was well acquainted with the pecuniary embarrassments of the illustrious personage alluded to: but had never had the smallest reason to believe the existence of such abuses.

Mr. Wilberforce conceived that the most complete investigation would prove the most satisfactory that the charges ought to be referred to a parliamentary commission; not private or secret, as to the result. Examina tions at the bar of the house were accompanied by numerous and fatal inconveniencies. The house was now on its trial before the scrutinizing tribunal of public opinion. Alt Europe looked with anxious attention to the British house of commons. The interests involved were extremely important,

The Chancellor of Exchequer coincided in the opinion that this was a most momentous question. It demanded complete and public investigation. He called on the house not to abandon its legitimate judicial province. Re commended inquiry at the bar of the house,in a committee of the whole house. Alluded to advertisers, &c. and other pretenders, wha duped the unwary; and demanded the names of any other of his majesty's officers who were implicated in fraudulent promotions, &c.

Mr. Wardle mentioned other cases; urged them on the attention of the house stated the existence of a public office in the city, for the sale of commissions, at the same reduced prices as Mrs. Clarke's: the managers of which had, "in my presence," described themselves as agents of Mrs. Carey, the duke's mistress offered places in other public lines, Mr. Wardle named the Lord Chancellor also, &c. &c.-Moved for a committee to and Duke of Portland; and described the inquire into the conduct of the commander-place where the office was held, &c. in-chief, &c.

The secretary at war rose, not to oppose &c.

Mr.Canning hoped for the fullest discussion, Thought the system of libel, lately

adopted, uncommonly atrocious and perse

vering.

Mr. Whitbread inquired, why, then, did the Duke of York's legal advisers sleep on the subject? Why did they neglect their duty? Why did they not prosecute?

Lord Castlereagh supported the opinion, that this confederation of libellers really did exist.

Committee to sit on Wednesday next: and to continue sitting de die in diem.

Mr. Wardle to give his list of evidences on Tuesday.

Among the answers to several questions on the subject of the war in Spain, Gen. Stuart's deserves notice. He said, that, instead of the losses of the British army amounting, as had been reported, to 9,000 men: the whole of their losses did not amount to half the number.-[The main deficit is, probably, Germans deserted.]

House of Commons, Jan. 31.-Read sir David Baird's acknowledgements for the thanks of the house.

The house in a committee of supply, on the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer, who moved that a supply be granted to his majesty.-Mr. P. Moore asked, whether the disbursements of last year should not first be accounted for? Mr. Perceval answered, that he had pursued the usual mode-those accounts would be ready at the proper time-they could not, as yet, be inade up.

Sir Arthur Wellesley, gave notice of a bill for allowing the Irish militia to volunteer into the line.

Mr. Wardle stated, that he had done his utmost to prepare for entering into the case respecting the commander-in-chief :--could | examine on some instances; but not on others: was ready with that of Col. Kuight: moved for the attendance of sundry witnesses.

Sir Samuel Romilly, moved for leave to bring in a bill to ensure relief to persons imprisoned for debts in equity: as now allowed to those imprisoned for common law

debts.

Lord Castlereagh apologized for the omission of Brig. Gen. Catlin Crauford's name in the vote of thanks. Added unanimously.

Mr. Whitbread again mentioned the subject of Sir J. Moore's last dispatches.-Lord Castlereagh found it rather a difficult subject; but would willingly furnish all possible information on the state of Spain. Considere! Sir J. M.'s letter as private and confidential; would supply extracts among other papers ordered.

Lord Folkestone wished to know, whether Mr. Jeffery, as consul in Portugal, received any salary-Mr. Secretary Canning replied, that formerly the Lisbon consulate was paid by fees of office, from £1,500 to £4,000. At present Mr. Jeffery was ensured £1,500, with one-fourth of the fees additional,"

Erfurth Overtures for Peace.

Mr. Secretary Canning rose to move an address to his Majesty, thanking him for his communication of the papers, &c. He did not affect to feel any apprehension of much difference of opinion on the subject. The determination of the enemy was apparent to all. What was the feeling of the public mind at that time? There was a general concurrence that peace was not intended by the overture; with some fear lest ministry should be entrapped into a dangerous negociation. Mi nistry thought it prudent not to disregard the overture, though it might be delusive. The very state of things at the time justified-ministers, since it was very supposable that the affairs of Spain had been discussed at Erfurth, and the court of Petersburgh constantly manifested great tenderness for the Spanish inte. rests. Buonaparte, though inaccessible to justice and generosity, might be affected by policy, and might yield to the remonstrances of the Russian sovereign. Under the impres sion of these hopes ministers returned their answer, describing the government of Spain, as it described itself, acting in the name of Ferdinand VII. Buonaparte wasnot hereby bound to identify Spain with Britain, nor to acknowledge Spain as he acknowledged a settled go◄ vernment. He might have admitted it de facto, though not de jure; as we might have admitted Joseph Buonaparte as king de jure though not de facto, so far as was implied in representation at a congress. Such reservations were common. France replied by call ing the Spaniards "insurgents."-Insurgents! Against whom? Against Joseph Buonaparte, whom they have never acknowledged: impossible! The indignity intended in this reply was too obvious to need observation. The comparison of Spanish patriots to Irish catholie rebels was perfectly inapplicable, since these must be rebels against a sovereign settled and established, a king both de jure and de facte. The title of Ferdinand VII. we had no business to investigate. We had no right to intermeddle in the forms of government of fo reign nations. We must take them as we find them. We might wish to improve some things in the Spanish government, but we had no right to dictate. Spain was fighting for her soil, for her existence; she was fighting against an invader. Mr. Canning could not conceive that this nation was a sinking nation; but hoped that the last things we should throw overboard, even if we were sinking, would be our honour and good faith.

Mr. Whitbread acquiesced in some of the maxims of government laid down by the right hon. gent. Had they been acted on years ago, the Bourbon family might still have occupied the throne of France. The usurpation of Buonaparte was not "unparal

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