Session of the Imperial Parliament, he would call its | to the Assembly, and which grant they had so shame attention to the necessity of reforming the Legislative and Executive Councils in the two Canadas; and that the interest thus shown for our own fate by HIM whom the gratitude and blessings of his countrymen have, with the applause of the whole civilized world, proclaimed GREAT and LIBERATOR, and of whom our fellow countrymen entertain corresponding sentiments, keeps alive in us the hope that, through the goodness of our cause and the services of such a friend, the British parliament will not permit a minister,' &c.—Address, p. 66.

'Resolved, That this House has the same confidence in Joseph Hume, Esq., and feels the same gratitude for the anxiety which he has repeatedly shown for the good government of these colonies, and the amelioration of their laws and constitutions, and calls upon the said Daniel O'Connell and Joseph Hume, Esqs., whose constant devotedness was, even under a Tory ministry, and before the reform of Parliament, partially successful in the emancipation of Ireland from the same bondage and the same political inferiority which menace the people of

Lower Canada.'-ibid.

fully abused. The reluctance of his colleagues to sup port him in this just and politic measure, oblige Lord Stanley to suspend the progress of the b which, on the succession of Mr. Spring Rice to the Colonial seals, was finally abandoned, on an unde. standing,' says the author of the Canadian Controvers (p. 24), 'that a supply bill should be passed for th two years that were due.' This miserable attempt at compromise had the success it deserved. Lord Sta ley's bill was given up; but instead of the promise bill of supply, the House of Assembly reiterated is insulting resolutions-of which no further notice seen to have been taken by Lord Melbourne's first adminis tration; but, on the accession of Sir Robert Peel t power, Lord Aberdeen, to whom the Colonial seak | were most judicially entrusted, lost no time in adopting a course of policy at once discreet, conciliatory, and effective. The peculiar circumstances of that adminitration-its defeat on the first meeting of Parliamentand the factious arts by which its short existence wa harassed, would have perfectly justified Lord Aber deen in declining to enter on so complicated a question which it was clear he would not be permitted to adjust and in leaving so delicate a matter altogether to the hands which had begun, and were destined so soon t resume it. But that administration were determined to shrink from no duty, however hopeless they were of being allowed to perfect it-Lord Aberdeen accordingly prepared instructions, which, without proceeding so far as the case (which had not yet attained its height) might have warranted, recorded the principles on which a government, capable of governing, should have looked at the transactions—and for their exection he selected as Governor-general, Lord Amherst, a nobleman who, although voting with the Melbourne ministry, was chosen by Lord Aberdeen as a person of acknowledged fitness for an office requiring manners, temper, experience, and firmness-and the Colonial minister prepared for him instructions which were, in sun, to redress anything that could be complained of as a grievance, but to resist and put down everything that should look like rebellion. But before Lord Amherst could sail, the Lichfield-House compact restored the Whigs to power-Lord Amherst's commission To explain all this more fully, we must revert to was superseded-his instructions cancelled-and a some proceedings of the government at home, by Commission of Inquiry was issued-at the head of which it will appear that on every occasion Lord Mel- which was placed the Earl of Gosford-a person bourne's Cabinet were-with as great and as oppor- wholly inexperienced in public affairs, and only known tune an effect as if it had been designed-playing the in political life by the silent votes which he gave to the game of the disaffected, and strengthening Mr. Papi- Whig ministries. With Lord Gosford were joined Sir neau's hand. Before Lord Stanley had left the Colo- Charles Grey, late Chief-Justice of Calcutta, and an nial office, his vigorous mind saw and determined to officer of engineers. Sir Charles Grey's would have meet the danger. He introduced into the House of been in every respect a fit appointment, if the CommisCommons a bill for repealing the act of 1831, which sion of Inquiry had been a fit proceeding; nay, if he had granted the entire control of the Colonial revenues | had been sent out alone as a governor, with powers to

The old pagan and popish doctrine of sanctuary is, it seems, in full force at Downing Street; and those who could touch the sacred images of St. Daniel and St. Joseph, were allowed the immunities and impunity of asylum, while the poor wretches who put their trust in St. George or St. Dennis are made the victims of their erroneous confidence in the far-niente consistency of her Majesty's-we should have said ridiculous ministers, if the blood stain did not obliterate ridicule. But that blood! Whose consciences ought that scalding blood to blister? Mackenzie's? Papineau's? Would that we could think so! Sir Hussey Vivian, the Master-General of the Ordnance, in a gallant and soldierlike speech, on the 16th January-the more gallant from the badness and hopelessness of the general cause for which he fought-told Mr. Joseph Hume, 'that his conduct in this affair reminded him of the case of a certain Mr. Martin, who prophesied, that in seven days York minster would be burned down; and well might he prophecy—for he was detected in setting fire to the sacred edifice at the appointed time.' The cut was admirable, and inflicted with the nerve and edge of one of the Duke of Wellington's beaux sabreurs, but in the mclée, Sir Hussey unluckily mistook his man-he cut down a poor busybody of a surgeon, instead of one of the general officers, who, if he had had time to look about him, he would have seen to be within an easier reach of his blow.

act, he would have been worth twenty Lord Gosfords -but as it was, he made the voyage-opened his commission-saw its absurdity-experienced its nullityand returned not merely re infecta, but re multò ingravescente, to publish the 'Remarks'* quoted at the head of the article, and to record his valuable opinion of the erroneous policy of the ministry. Of that policy, as contrasted with his own intentions, Lord Aberdeen gave his opinion in the House of Lords so early as the 12th of June, 1835:

He would not enter into a detail of the nature and

This was, it will be admitted, sufficiently conciliatory-what follows is prophetic:

'The unaccomplished works of Russell's hand,
Abortive monstrous-or untimely mixed.'

Suffice it to say, that, like the recent ministerial speeches, they kept the real objects of the Canadians, as much as possible, out of sight: and that in fact they were all, except the 8th, concessions to the democratic clamour-and even that eighth resolution professed to do no more than apply certain monies-which had been previously and unconstitutionally empounded by the House of Assembly-to the legal purposes for which the said monies had been originally levied.

form of Lord Amherst's instructions-it was sufficient to On the first night the debate was lengthened out and say they were in strict conformity with the declarations he had formerly made in the House, and embraced the adjourned till the 8th, but not until it had been ascerlargest possible measure of conciliation, consistent with tained that there would be a large majority to support what was indispensable for the maintenance of the King's dominion in the province. Short of that point, the in- the ministers. On the 8th, the first three or four of structions proceeded on a principle of the utmost libe- these mawkish resolutions, to which the Canadian Asrality. When he talked of large and liberal concessions, sembly would hardly have objected, were passed by their Lordships were not to presume that sacrifices were to be made by this country, for it would be unjust to infer large, and what would have been to any other ministhat what was conceded to Canada was lost to England. ters, encouraging majorities; but when the necessary He could not conceive what interest this country could have in refusing large and liberal concessions,-legisla- logical and political conclusions from the premises tive assemblies were not to be treated as children and were to be assented to, the advocates of the Canadians entirely directed from this country, but should be left to insisted on a postponement-Colonel Thompson stated, the enjoyment of the utmost freedom, consistent with the that he would purchase delay at a guinea a minute.' maintenance of the King's dominion.' This honest warning would of course urge and stimulate the government to allow, not one hour, not one 'He heard a commission was to be sent out-a course guinea's worth of delay? No such thing-the motion which appeared to him not only useless, but worse than for delay was beaten successively by large majorities useless.[Hear, hear.]—It might be a fit thing in this but nothing terrifies the weak like the appearance of country in moments of timidity, in order to get rid of a difficulty, to appoint a commission of inquiry, which he their own strength. The ministers gave way-the understood the new commission was to be, but in this delay was obtained-the eighth resolution was adjourncase a commissioner ought to go out ready to act, and a ed-on the appointed day Lord John Russell was uncommission of inquiry was worse than useless. It was competent to and incumbent on the government to decide at abte to attend the House-indisposed-another day was once on all important matters now at issue in Canada; named-some prior and paltry notice intervened-anthere were but few, and those trifling matters, on which further inquiry was required-the time was now come other day was named—a like obstacle—and at length for prompt and immediate action.' the resolutions seemed postponed sine die. On the 10th of April, Sir Charles Grey published his 'Remarks,' showing the fatal effects that would probably ensue from the hesitation of the ministers to pass these resoAt length, however, the destitution of the public ser-lutions-particularly the 8th. This or some other vants absolutely starving in the Colony-the rapid disorganization of all the authorities, and the bewildered impotence of Lord Gosford to meet the exigency, awoke her Majesty's ministers from their slumbers, whether real or feigned, and forced them to try to do something. Sounding, no doubt, as deeply as the small plummets of their brains enabled them, the increasing depths of the Canada question, they prepared ten resolutions, which, on the 6th of March, 1837, Lord John Russell proposed to the House of Commons. These resolutions have turned out to be so mere a nullity, and were framed in a spirit so wholly inadequate to the exigencies of the occasion,-that it would be an idle waste of time and space to insert them; they died still-born, like so many others of—

This warning voice was disregarded, the commission of inquiry was sped, and Downing Street relapsed into its fox's sleep.

stimulus again goaded the ministers into momentary exertion-the other resolutions were passed in the Commons, transmitted to the Lords, and then passed, with the single dissent of Lord Brougham. But all this apparent facility and success was incapable of inspiring courage or even consistency into the ministers

the resclutions thus tardily passed were virtually abandoned-no bill was introduced on them-and the Canadians, after having been exasperated by their production, were encouraged by the evident fear of the Government to carry them into effect. What was— what could be the result the only possible result? The 'Papineau faction' saw that the ministers were bewildered, 'perplexed in the extreme,'-that in their whole conduct there was but one thing certain, namely, that they were alike incapable of conciliation or of repression, and that if ever there was a time for success

in the course of their not merely blameless but mos meritorious service to the public by the Lichfiel House conspiracy)—instead of condescending event criticism, lest it should look like retaliation, overlook ed the minister in his respect to the Queen, and forg party feelings in his duty to his country. The heig and grandeur of his Grace's station that night warmed even the sullen mediocrity of Lord Lansdowne, wi said that

after what had fallen in such candid terms from th noble duke opposite, who had spoken upon this questi in a manner which did him infinite honour (hear, hear and in a spirit which he had always consistently displayi in similar circumstances-a spirit of anxiety to yield cordial support to her Majesty's government wheneve an emergency like this arose-he would not trouble the i lordships with any further observations.'-Times, Jaa Lord Glenelg made the contrast still more prom nent

ful insurrection, it was while the Government was in such rash, timid, and incapable hands-now or never! But this was not the whole of the encouragernent given by the Government to the incipient rebels. While these Resolutions had been thus hung up for above three months, the late King died, and a general election took place. It happened that one of the candidates for Westminster was Sir George Murray, late Secretary of State for the Colonies, whose administration of them, and particularly of Canada, had been (as that of Lord Aberdeen subsequently was) so wise and just, so temperate and firm, that it is now admitted, even by the advocates of the insurgents, that had Sir George or his Lordship continued in office, the rebellion would not have broken out. It happened also that a Mr. Leader, almost unknown as a public man, except by the violence with which he advocated the Papineau cause against Lord John Russell's Resolutions, was another candidate for Westminster-the seat-as the poor Canadians would be reminded-of govern ment. What did the Government? Why, it exhausted every engine of power-nay, it abused in the most flagrant manner the sacred name of the young Queen -to enable Mr. Leader-already the advocate, and now the agent, of what Lord John Russell calls the 'Papineau faction'-to defeat Sir George Murray, the, at once, loyal and popular Secretary of State. We believe that we may further assert that every other member who had taken a decided part against the Government on the Canada resolutions, was the government candidate at the general election. Of the declarations in the House of Commons made by some of those gentlemen, of pleasure at the defeat of her Ma-honour in rescuing the country from the most imminea jesty's forces, and the hints of others about bringing the Queen's sacred head to the block, we shall say no more than that all those gentlemen are or were, on general subjects, stanch supporters of that Queen's ministers! and-as Sir Robert Peel pungently told them, in a tone of good humour, which from any other man would have been that of indignation—they were among the most zealous of the Lichfield-House majority which had turned out that very administration on whose conduct they now found it convenient to bestow their suspicious and unwelcome eulogium.

The debate in the House of Lords on the 19th January showed, in its strongest light, the difference, on which we have more than once insisted, betweeen the Whigs and Tories in and out of office. In that debate we saw Lord Broughman 'emptying,' to use Lord Glenelg's own expression, ‘all the vials of his wrath' on the heads of his quondam colleagues, in whose neglect concerning Canada, that learned Lord was, as he himself would say, a particeps criminis; while on the other hand the Duke of Wellington-(to whom nothing could be reproached-who, with his colleagues Sir George Murray and Lord Aberdeen, was arrested

'My, lords, I need not point out to you the contrast pre sented by the conduct of the noble and learned lo (Brougham), and the conduct of the noble and illustrio duke who followed him in this debate. In the speech a v the noble and illustrious duke I recognise-in his pre sence I do not like to express all I think upon the subje -the magnanimity and candour, which is consister with his character, and which has marked the line conduct which he has taken on this and all other_gred public occasions (great cheering). In that speech wa shown the application of a great mind to the public bus ness of the country. It was a speech proceeding from! mind which scorned to throw its bolts at random to the right and to the left, with an utter recklessness of the mischiefs they inflicted (hear, hear)—which disdained hint vituperations which it dared not express (hea hear), and which was anxious to do justice to the grea of a political opponent (hear, hear). It was a proof the cause of the country (hear, hear), and even to the meris the genius which had exerted itself with such immorta

danger on another theatre, was equally anxious to exer itself in rescuing the empire from the danger of a civil wa (hear, hear). I will not, in the absence of the noble and learned lord (Brougham), who, like his Canadian friends. has fled from the impending conflict, enter further int this contrast-for I am sure that the less I say, the more it will strike all your lordships who now hear me.'—bid.

When, even in the most awful national calamities. did any Whig deserve from a Tory administration } such a tribute as is here paid to the patriotism, the! magnanimity of the Duke of Wellington? When could it be said that it is to the leaders of the Opposi tion in both Houses that the ministry owes the power of carrying on the government even for a week, of can entertain any hope of their own extrication from culpable and personally embarrassing dilemma? His quondam colleagues, in repelling the attacks of Lord Brougham, seemed to forget that he did no more than they had always done, and would at this hour have done again had the Tories been in power and they in opposition, and that they applauded in the Duke of Wellington a nobleness of conduct of which they themselves had, during their long political life, given no example, and which they in truth would have been incapable of appreciating, if it had not happened to

come so opportunely to their personal rescue. Brougham's speech was full of what in any other man's mouth would have been truth and justice, but from a prizefighter of his class—from one who as Lord High Chancellor-the keeper of the king's conscience, and the first guardian of the law-was responsible even above his colleagues for the culpable neglect, evasions, and juggle with which Canadian affairs were conducted from 1831 to 1835-his clever, amusing, and in many points undeniable statements, can have no other effect than to convince the public that it is fortunate that he is no longer a minister, and that it would be equally desirable that his old associates should become, as soon as possible, companions of his official exile.

Lord ham's dictatorship would have been impeached by Lord John Russell, seconded by Sir John Cam Hobhouse. There is an old proverb, which, in these times of altering everything that is old, is capable by a slight change of considerable improvement; and in future one should say-A Whig may steal a horse, when a Tory would be hanged for looking over the hedge.' Lord Durham, on the contrary, receives nothing but encouragement-he hopes that his own friends will stick by him per fas et nefas, or, even if they should fail him, he calculates on the gentleman-like indulgence to his personal defects, and the constitutional support of his public character which he is sure to receive from the Conservative leaders. With the tranquillising confidence which such a position should give to himself But it is out of our present scope to consider any and to the loyal Canadians, if Lord Durham shall events subsequent to the revolt, else we should have contrive to mismanage this great trust, awful indeed much to say on the appointment of Lord Durham, and will be the responsibility of those who chose him!—a the absurdities and contradictions of the bill (as pre-choice which seems to have been made somewhat in sented to the house) under which he is to act. This the spirit of Henry VIII., who when he was told that mission of Lord Durham to assuage faction seems to all Ireland could not rule the Earl of Kildare, peus a second attempt-Mr. O'Connell's administration remptorily exclaimed, 'Well, then, that Earl shall rule of Ireland was the first-of introducing the homeopathic all Ireland.' We, however, venture to suggest whesystem into politics. Spirits of turpentine to extin- ther this excellent precedent might not have been more guish a conflagration! We read lately of a fire at one exactly followed. We who remember Lord Durham of the Southwark wharfs, where, from the quantities of as Mr. Lambton, and who have not forgotten his oil which were spilled in the streets, the fire-engines whole political life prior to 1830, cannot but think were pumping oil on the flames. The cabinet seem to be that, if Mr. Papineau were to be created an Earl, trying the same experiment; and we must add that the decorated with stars and ribbons, and invested with selection of such a man-so headstrong, so wayward, the highest dignities of the state, it might have a very so impracticable, that they could not keep him in their tranquillising effect on his temper and principles; and own cabinet for duties of such distant, such compli- that he would probably make a more effective and cated responsibility-is undoubtedly the strongest trial much cheaper Dictator for the conciliation of Canada that the ministers could make of Tory patience, and that His-Excellency is it or Highness-John George of the dutiful respect of the Tory leaders for the Earl of Durham, G. C. B., &c. &c. &c. Queen's name and for the constitutional principle of leaving to those who are responsible for measures the unfettered choice of their instruments. Lord Durham said a few words in the House of Lords with propriety and good sense on the spirit in which he accepted and would execute the office. We wish he may maintain that temper. He has advantages that Lord Amherst would not have enjoyed. Lord Am-doubt that inflammatory advice from England, acherst would have had, loud and violent against him, credited amongst an ignorant and credulous people by not merely the Papineau faction,' but the Lichfield- the supineness of the government at home, has enHouse faction-before he sailed parliamentary obloquy couraged the 'Papineau faction' in the ascending steps would have tainted his mission-after his arrival every of their audacity, till it burst out into the violence of artifice of misrepresentation would have disfigured his actual insurrection, and could only be extinguishedacts, and calumniated his motives-his powers would if extinguished it has been-by the necessary but terhave been limited within the narrowest circle of con-rible chastisement of blood and fire? stitutional jealousy, and the minister who would have dared to propose for him anything like my Lord Dur

*This does not personally apply to Lord Glenelg, who never was a Whig, and whose interval of opposition was too short to afford him an opportunity, even if he had the wish, of imitating the very bad company into which he has latterly fallen: but it is abundantly true of all Whigs proper.

But this is beyond the bounds of our present duty. Our business was an inquiry into the share which the present ministry, by their long-enduring apathy, and chiefly Lord John Russell, by his incomprehensible abandonment of the Resolutions of March, 1837, have had in provoking the contest which they are now so anxious to subdue. Can there be any reasonable

We ask again, whose consciences ought that fire and blood to blister? It cannot give the ministry and their associates greater pleasure than it will to uszealous of the honour of our country and our Queenif further discussion shall be more successful than their advocates have hitherto been, in fixing all, or

even the greater part of the guilt, on Papineau and parts of the forest wild oxen and sámbárs abound. We Mackenzie.