Paul defends himself

mining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him.

9 And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so. 10 Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do the tnore cheerfully answer for myself:

11 Because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem for to worship. 12 And they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city:

13 Neither can they prove the things whereof they now ac

A. D. Felix made procurator over Judea. Ver 17. Ch.21.25-i Ch 25,8 & 17- See Ace 8. 14. Ch. 9.2.-12 Tim. 1.3.-m Ch. 26. 22 & 28. 23. —n Ch. 23.6. 426 6, 7.& 25. H.

captain taken him violently out of their hands; whereas, had not Lysias interfered, they would have murdered him on the spot.

7. With great violence] Mera moλλng Bias, I rather think means with an armed force. Tertullus intimates that Lysias interfered contrary to law, and brought soldiers to support him in his infringement on their constitution. This is what he seems to say and complain of for the Jews were vexed with Lysias for rescuing the apostle from their hands.

8 Commanding his accusers to come, &c.] Here Tertullus closes his opening and statement of the case; and now he proceeds to call and examine his witnesses: and they were no doubt examined one by one, though St. Luke sums the whole up in one word-The Jews also assented, saying that these things were so. Whoever considers the plan of Tertul lus's speech, will perceive that it was both judicious and artful Let us take a view of the whole :-1. He praises Felix, to conciliate his favour. 2. He generally states the great blessings of his administration. 3. He states, that the Jews, throughout the whole land, felt themselves under the greatest obligations to him; and extolled his prudent and beneficent management of the public affairs every where. 4. That the prisoner before him was a very bad man: a disturber of the public peace; a demagogue of a dangerous party; and so lost to all sense of religion, as to attempt to profane the temple! 5. That, though he should have been punished on the spot; yet, as they were ordered by the chief captain to appear before him, and show the reasons why they had seized on Paul at Jerusalem, they were accordingly come; and having now exhibited their charges, he would, 6. Proceed to examine wit nesses, who would prove all these things to the satisfaction of the governor. 7. He then called his witnesses, and their tes timony confirmed and substantiated the charges. No bad cause was ever more judiciously and cunningly managed.

10. Then Paul-answered] The apostle's defence consists of two parts:-1. The exordium, which has for its object the praise of his judge, whose qualifications to discern and decide on a question of this nature, he fully allows; and expects, from this circumstance, to have a favourable hearing. 2. The tractation, which consists of two parts, I. REFUTATION; 1. Of the charge of polluting the temple; 2. Of stirring up sedition; 3. Of being a leader of any sect who had a different worship from the God of their fathers. II. AFFIRMATION: 1. That he had lived so as to preserve a good conscience towards God, and towards inen; 2. That so far from polluting the temple, he had been purified in it; and was found thus, worshipping according to the law of God; 3. That what Tertullus and his companions had witnessed, was perfectly false, and he defied them to produce a single proof; and appeals to those who had been witnesses of his conduct in Jerusalem, who should have been there, could they have proved any thing against him.

against Tertullus 15 And have hope towards God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust.

16 And P herein do I exercise myself, to have always a con. science void of offence towards God, and towards men. 17 Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings.

18 Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found me purified in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult: 19 Who ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had aught against me.

20 Or else let these same here say, if they have found an evil-doing in me, while I stood before the council,

21 Except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day.

22 And when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of that way, he deferred them, and said, Wher o Dan 12 2. John 5.2 9-pChap 22.1-q Chap. 11.29, 30 & 20 16. Rom. 15 95. 2 Cor 8.4. Gal.2.10.- nap 21.26, 27. & 26. 21.—s Chap. 23.30. & 25.16. - Chap. 23. 6. & 23 20.

unless they could bring substantial proof against him, which he challenges them to do.

14. That after the way which they call heresy] See the explanation of this word in the note on chap. v. 17. and see before ver. 5. where what is here translated heresy, is there rendered sect. At this time, the word had no bad acceptation, in reference to religious opinions. The Pharisees themselves, the most respectable body among the Jews, are called a sect; for Paul, defending himself before Agrippa, says, that he lived a Pharisee according to the strictest aipcow, sect, or heresy, of their religion. And Josephus, who was a Pharisee, speaks THE TV Papicator alpeσews, of the heresy, or sect, of the Pharisees. LIFE, chap. xxxviii. Therefore it is evident that the word heresy had no bad meaning among the Jews; it meant simply a religious sect. Why then did they use it by way of degradation to St. Paul? This seems to have been the cause. They had already two accredited sects in the land, the Pharisees and Sadducees: the interests of each of these were pretty well balanced, and each had a part in the government, for the council or sanhedrim was composed both of Sadducees and Pharisees: see chap. xxiii. 6. They were afraid that the Christians whom they called Nazarenes, should form a new sect, and divide the interests of both the preceding; and what they feared, that they charged them with: and on this account the Christians had both the Pharisees and the Sadducees for their enemies. They had charged Jesus Christ with plotting against the state, and endeavouring to raise seditions; and they charged his followers with the same. This they deemned a proper engine to bring a jealous government into action. So worship I the God of my fathers] I bring in no new o ject of worship; no new religious creed. I believe all things as they profess to believe; and acknowledge the Law and the Prophets, as divinely inspired books; and have never, in the smallest measure, detracted from the authority or authen ticity of either.

15. And have hope towards God, &c.] I not only do not hold any thing by which the general creed of this people might be altered, in reference to the present state; but also, I hold nothing different from their belief, in reference to a future state; for if I maintain the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, it is what themselves allow.

16. And herein do I exercise myself] And this very tenet is a pledge for my good behaviour: for as I believe there will be a resurrection, both of the just and unjust, and that every man shall be judged for the deeds done in the body; so, 1erercise myself day and night, that I may have a conscience void of offence towards God and towards man.

Towards God In entertaining no opinion contrary to his truth; and in offering no worship contrary to his dignity, pu rity, and excellence.

Towards men.] In doing nothing to them that I would not, on a change of circumstances, they should do to me; and in withholding nothing, by which I might comfort and serve them.

A judge-Kpirns, the same here in signification, as the Hebrew Do shophet, which means a ruler or governor. This was the title of the ancient governors of Israel.

The more cheerfully] Ev@vporepov with a better heart, or courage; because as thy long residence among us has brought thee to a thorough acquaintance with our customs, I may expect a proper decision in my favour, my cause being perfectly

Bound.

11. There are yet but twelve days] This is his reply to their charge of sedition; the improbability of which is shown, from the short time he had spent in Jérusalem, quite insuffi cient to organize a sedition of any kind; nor could a single proof be furnished that he had attempted to seduce any man; nor unhinge any person from his allegiance by subtle disputa tions, either in the temple, the synagogues, or the city. So that this charge necessarily fell to the ground, self-confuted;

17. Now after many years, &c.] And as a full proof that I act according to the dictates of this divine and beneficent creed, though I have been many years absent from my own country, and my political relation to it is almost necessarily dissolved; yet, far from coming to disturb the peace of socithe fruits of my own earning and influence among a foreign people, and OFFERINGS to my God and his temple, proving hereby my attachment to iny country, and my reverence for the worship of my country's God.

18. Found me purified in the temple] And the Jews of Asia, who stirred up the persecution against me in Jerusalem. found me purified in the temple, regularly performing the re ligious vow into which I had entered; giving no cause for suspicion; for I made no tumult, nor had I any number of people with me, by whom I could have accomplished any seditious purpose.

20. An evil-doing in me, while I stood before the council] The Jews of Asia, the most competent witnesses, though my declared enemies, and they who stirred up the persecution against me, should have been here; why are they kept back? Because they could prove nothing against me. Let these therefore who are here, depose, if they have found any évi

city, and the functions of religion, to become the accuser of an innocent person; this could be no other than the effect of a terrible dereliction, and the punishment of the abuse of sacred things.

2. Tertullus begins his speech with flattery, against which every judge should have a shut ear: and then he proceeds to calumny and detraction. These, generally, succeed each other. He who flatters you, will, in course, calumniate you for receiving his flattery. When a man is conscious of the uprightness of his cause, he must know, that to attempt to support it by any thing but truth, tends directly to debase it. 3. The resurrection of the body was the grand object of the genuine Christian's hope; but the ancient Christians only hoped for a blessed resurrection, on the ground of reconcilia tion to God, through the death of his Son. In vain is our hope of glory, if we have not got a meetness for it. And who is fit for this state of blessedness, but he whose iniquity is forgiven, whose sin is covered, and whose heart is purified from deceit and guile!

Festus against Pau.

4. We could applaud the lenity shown to St. Paul by Felix, did not his own conduct render his motives for this lenity very suspicious. "To think no evil, where no evil seems,' is the duty of a Christian; but to refuse to see it, where it most evidently appears, is an imposition on the understanding itself.

5. Justice, temperance, and a future judgment, the sub¡jects of St. Paul's discourse to Felix and Drusilla, do not concern an iniquitous judge alone; they are subjects which should affect and interest every Christian; subjects which the eye should carefully examine, and which the heart should ever feel. Justice respects our conduct in life, particularly in reference to others; temperance, the state and government of our souls, in reference to God. He who does not exercise himself in these, has neither the form, nor the power of godliness; and consequently must be overwhelmed with the shower of divine wrath in the day of God's appearing. Many of those called Christians, have not less reason to tremble at a display of these truths, than this heathen.

N

6 And when he had tarried among them & more than ten days, a Chap 34 1. Ver 13-b Ch 23 12, 15.- Ch 18.14. Ver. 18.-d Or, as some copies real, no sore than eight or ten days.

NOTES.-Verse 1. Now when Festus was come into the province) By the province is meant Judea; for, after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; therefore, Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterward Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchate of Philip, that of Batanea and Abila, he, nevertheless, kept the province of Judea more immediately in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome. Josep. Ant. 1. xx. cap. 7. sect. 1. Felix being removed, Porcius Festus is sent in his place; and, having come to Cesarea, where the Roman governor generally had his residence, after he had tarried three days, he went up to Jerusalem, to acquaint himself with the nature and complexion of the ecclesiastical government of the Jews; no doubt for the purpose of the better administra tion of justice among them.

2. The high-priest-informed him against Paul] They supposed, that, as Felix, to please them, on the resignation of his government, had left Paul bound: so Festus, on the assumption of it, would, to please them, deliver him into their hand: but as they wished this to be done under the colour of justice, they exhibited a number of charges against Paul, which they hoped would appear to Festus a sufficient reason why a new trial should be granted; and he be sent to Jerusalem to take this trial. Their motive is mentioned in the succeeding verse.

4. Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cesarea] It is truly astonishing, that Festus should refuse this favour to the heads of the Jewish nation, which to those who were not in the secret, must appear so very reasonable; and especially as, on his coming to the government, it might be considered an act that was likely to make him popular; and he could have no interest in denying their request. But God had told Paul, that he should testify of him at Rome, and he disposed the heart of Festus to act as he did; and thus disappointed the malice of the Jews, and fulfilled his own gracious design.

He would depart shortly] So had the providence of God disposed matters, that Festus was obliged to return speedily to Cesarea; and thus had not time to preside in such a trial at Jerusalem. And this reason must appear sufficient to the Jews; and especially, as he gave them all liberty to come and appear against him, who were able to prove the alleged charges.

5. Let them which among you are able] 'Oi dvvaro, those who have authority; for so is this word often used by good Greek authors, and by Josephus. Festus seems to have said: "I have heard clamours from the multitude relative to this man; but on such clamours, no accusation should be founded;

7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove.

8 While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cesar, have I offended any thing at all.

9 But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, h Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me!

10 Then said Paul, I stand at Cesar's judgment seat, where e Mark 15.3. Luke 23.2,10. Chap. 24.5, 13.-f Chap. 6. 13. & 24.12. & 28. 17.-g Ch. 94.27.-h Verse 10.

yourselves have only the voice of the multitude as the foundation of the request which you now make. I cannot take up accusations which may affect the life of a Roman citizen, on such pretences. Are there any respectable men among you: men in office and authority, whose character is a pledge for the truth of their depositions, who can prove any thing against him? If so, let these come down to Cesarea, and the cause shall be tried before me, and thus we shall know whe. ther he be a malefactor or not."

6. When he had tarried-more than ten days] The strange. ness of this mode of expression, suggests the thought, that our printed text is not quite correct in this place; and this suspicion is confirmed by an examination of MSS, and Ver. sions: nupas ov RλELOVS OKTW ʼn dexa, not more than EIGHT OR ten days, is the reading of ABC., several others of great respectability, with the Coptic, Armenian, and Vulgate. Griesbach adinits this reading into the text, and of it, professor White says, Lectio indubiè genuina: "This is, doubtless, the genuine reading."

7. The Jews-laid many and grievous complaints against Paul] As they must have perceived that the Roman governors would not intermeddle with questions of their law, &c., they, no doubt, invented some new charges, such as se dition, treason, &c., in order to render the mind of the governor evil affected towards Paul; but their malicious designs were defeated, for assertion would not go for proof be fore a Roman tribunal: this court required proof, and the blood thirsty persecutors of the apostle could produce none. 8. While he answered for himself] In this instance, St. Luke gives only a general account, both of the accusations and of St. Paul's defence. But from the words in this verse, the charges appear to have been threefold. 1. That he had broken the law. 2. That he had defiled the temple. 3. That he dealt in treasonable practices; to all of which he no doubt answered particularly; though we have nothing farther here than this, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cesar, have I offended any thing at all.

9. Willing to do the Jews a pleasure] This was merely to please them, and conciliate their esteem: for he knew, that as Paul was a Roman citizen, he could not oblige him to take a new trial at Jerusalem.

10. I stand at Cesar's judgment seat] Every procurator represented the person of the emperor in the province over which he presided; and, as the seat of governinent was a Cesarea, and Paul was now before the tribunal on which the emperor's representative sat, he could say, with the strictest propriety, that he stood before Cesar's judgment-seat, where, as a freeman of Rome, he should be tried.

As thou very well knowest] The record of this trial before

20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions; Lasked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.

21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, 1 commanded him to be kept till 1 might send him to Cesar.

22 Then Agrippa said unto Festus, 1 would also hear the man myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.

23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Ber. nice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of p Ch. 18.15.&39–q Or, I was doubtful how to inquire here. Or, ju Igment. to suppose that Paul must be guilty of some very atrocious crime. When he found that he had been twice snatched from the hands of the Jews; that he had been brought to Cesarea, as a prisoner two years before; that he had been tried once before the sanhedrim, and once before the governor of the province: that he had now lain two years in bonds, and that the high-priest and all the heads of the Jewish nation had united in accusing him, and whose condemnation they loudly demanded; when, I say, he considered all this, it was natural for him to suppose the apostle to be some flagitious wretch; but when he had tried the case, and heard their accusations and his defence, how surprised was he to find, that scarcely any thing that amounted to a crime was laid to his charge; and that nothing that was laid to his charge could be proved!

19. Questions of their own superstition] Пept 7ns dias delaidatporias; questions concerning their own religion. Su perstition meant something as bad among the Romans, as it does among us; and is it likely that Festus, only a procuratar, should thus speak to Agrippa, a KING, concerning his ewn religion? He could not have done so without offering the highest insult. The word Aɛividatuovia must therefore simply mean region; the national creed, and the national teorship, as I have at large proved it to mean, in the observations at the end of chap. xvii.

And of one Jesus which was dead, &c.] In this way does this poor heathen speak of the death and resurrection of Christ! There are many who profess Christianity that do not appear to be much farther enlightened.

20. I doubted of such manner of questions] Such as, whe ther he had broken their law, defiled their temple; or, whether this Jesus, who was dead, was again raised to life?

21. Unto the hearing of Augustus] Eis Tay Tev Leßazov dayyoor to the discrimination of the emperor. For, al though cases, is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august; yet here it seeins to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.

22. I would also hear the man myself.] A spirit of curiosity, similar to that of Herod, Luke xxiii. 8.

As Herod, the father of this Agrippa, had been so active an instrument in endeavouring to destroy Christianity, having killed James, and was about to have put Peter to death also, had not God sent him to his own place; there is no doubt that Agrippa had heard much about Christianity: and as to St. Paul, his conversion was so very remarkable, that his name, in connexion with Christianity, was known not only throughout Judea, but through all Asia Minor and Greece. Agrippa, therefore, might naturally wish to see and hear a man of whom he had beard so much.

With great pomp] Mera Todλns pavraoias; with much phantasy, great splendour, great parade, superb attendance, or splendid retinue: in this sense the Greek word is used by the best writers. Wetstein has very justly remarked, that these children of Herod the Great, made this pompous ap pearance in that very city where, a few years before, their fa ther, for his PRIDE, was smitten of God, and eaten up by worms! How seldom do the living lay any of God's judgments to heart!

The place of hearing] A sort of audience chamber, in the

before king Agrippa.

hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city; at Festus' commandment, Paul was brought forth. 21 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying, that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But when I found that he had committed nothing wor. thy of death, wand that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.

26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore, I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I I might have somewhat to write.

27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.

3 See Ch 9.15.- Ver. 2, 3, 7-u Ch.2222-v Ch. 23.9, 29. & M. 31.—w Ver. 11. 12. palace of Festus. This was not a trial of Paul; there were no Jews present to accuse him, and he could not be tried but at Rome, as he had appealed to Cesar. These grandees wished to hear the man speak of his religion, and in his own defence, through a principle of curiosity.

26. I have no certain thing to write] Nothing alleged against hin has been substantiated.

Unto my Lord] The title Kuptos, Dominus, Lord, both Augustus and Tiberius had absolutely refused; and forbad, even by public edicts, the application of it to themselves. Tiberius himself was accustomed to say, that he was lord only of his slaves, emperor or general of the troops, and prince of the senate. See Suetonius, in his life of this prince. The suc. ceeding emperors were not so modest: they affected the title. Nero, the then emperor, would have it; and Pliny the younger is continually giving it to Trajan, in his letters.

27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable, &c.] Every reader must feel the awkward situation in which Festus stood. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome, to appear before Nero, though he had not one charge to support against him; and yet he must be sent, for he had appealed to Cesar. He hoped therefore that Agrippa, who was of the Jewish religion, would be able to discern inore particularly the merits of this case; and might, after hearing Paul, direct him how to draw up those letters, which, on sending the prisoner, must be transniitted to the emperor,

This chapter ends as exceptionably as the twenty-first. It should have begun at ver. 13, and have been continued to the end of the twenty-sixth chapter; or both chapters have been united in one.

1. From St. Paul's appeal to Cesar, we see that it is lawful to avail ourselves, even in the cause of God, of those civil pri rileges with which his mercy has blessed us. It is often better to fall into the hands of the heathen, than into the hands of those who, from mistaken views of religion, have their hearts filled with bitter persecuting zeal. Those who can murder a man, pretendedly for God's sake, because he does not think exactly with them on ceremonial or speculative points of divinity, have no portion of that religion which came down from God.

2. The Jews endeavoured by every means to deny the resurrec tion of our Lord; and it seems to have been one part of their accusation against Paul, that he asserted, that the Man Jesus, whom they had crucified, was risen from the dead. On this subject, a pious writer observes, "What a train of errors and miseries does one single instance of deceit draw after it! and what a judgment upon those, who, by corrupting the guards of the sepulchre, the witnesses of the resurrection of our Lord, have kept their whole nation in infidelity!" Thus it often happens in the world, that one bad counsel, one single lie or calumny once established, is the source of infinite evils.

3. The grand maxim of the Roman law and government, to condemn no man unheard, and to confront the accusers with the accused, should be a sacred maxim with every magistrate and minister, and among all private Christians. How many harsh judgments and uncharitable censures would this prevent: Conscientiously practised in all Christian societies, detraction, calumny, tale-bearing, whispering, back-biting, mis, understandings, with every unbrotherly affection, would necessarily be banished from the church of God.

THIEN Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth the hand, and answered for himself:

a Ch.24.10 Prov. 18.13. John 7.51.

21 think myself happy, king Agrippa, because I shall answer for myself this day, before thee, touching all the things. whereof I am accused of the Jews: bCh.25.10.