should receive promotion, but I had not the remotest idea what sort of work was expected from me. I was, like Michael Scott's familiar spirit, ready enough to execute any task that might be assigned to me, or, at all events, to make the essay; but I stood utterly in need of suggestion. I did not know how or with what I should begin.

Sir George Smoothly no doubt divined my thoughts indeed, I imagine that he made a pause in the conversation on purpose that this difficulty should present itself to my mind. In diplomacy the advantage always remains with that party who can concuss or persuade the other into asking advice; and the honourable baronet was better versed in diplomacy than many who have been bred to it as a profession. I therefore begged him to add to his other favours by indicating the course which I ought to pursue.

"I have already considered that matter very seriously," replied Sir George; "and although you could doubtless furnish sufficient proof of your literary ability by pointing to articles and other things which you may have written, I am afraid that such would not be deemed the most acceptable kind of testimonial. The fact is, that my illustrious friend did not attain to his present exalted position without having been made the subject of many attacks-some of them most flagrant and injurious from organs of public opinion which professed to advocate the cause of the Conservative party. Of late there are certain symptoms which make me apprehensive that such unworthy conduct may be renewed; for we are molested by some malcontents, for the most part young and inexperienced men, who are not satisfied with the conciliatory policy of our great leader, and affect to distrust his sincerity. Now it is a marked peculiarity of that distinguished man-I dare not call it a weakness-that he is very sensitive to such attacks; and their former frequency has engendered in his mind a sort of dislike to political writers in general. It has even been observed, that when he does extend his notice to persons of

that class, it is rather to those who have been his direct political opponents than to such as are known to maintain Conservative opinions."

"Surely," said I, "that cannot be a wise policy. It must be conceded that the press exercises an enormous power-whether judiciously or not, in certain cases, may be a disputed question. But how can a Minister expect active support from the press if he neglects to conciliate those who are its controllers? I have reason to believe that complaints, founded upon this, are very general; and that comparisons highly unfavourable to the Minister have been drawn between the scurvy treatment which Conservative writers receive at the hands of their party-chiefs, and the marked attention and encouragement which are given to literary men by the heads of the Whig alliance."

"What you say is no doubt quite true," replied Sir George. "I have always held that we should encourage literary men. But that does not fall within my department; and it must be confessed that my illustrious friend has ere now been so bitterly reviled by Tory writers, that he can hardly be expected to have any decided leaning in their favour."

"That may be. Still it is strange that, while systematically overlooking his supporters, he should give any countenance to avowed opponents.' Ah! you don't know what he has endured. His is a most sensitive nature. He resembles the gladiator who rejoices to meet a foe armed at all points in the arena, but shrinks with apprehension from the threatened sting of a wasp. Unrivalled in debate, he is strangely susceptible to ridicule; and if he does bestow some little attention upon men who, in this age of whim and oddity, can provoke the ready laugh, that must be regarded solely in the light of a wise precaution. But I would not have you identify yourself too much, at least for the present, with the literary profession. That is not the road by which, according to my view, you will attain your object." "Then, I fear, mine is a hopeless case; for I can think of no other

"My dear young friend, you do yourself vast injustice," said Sir George, with one of his very blandest smiles. "Be ruled by me. It is one of the few privileges of age that it can appeal to experience, and guide the young; and though I am not a very old man" (he was sixty-eight if he was a day, though as well preserved as turtle in a tin canister), “I have seen much of the world and its ways, and I know precisely what is required from a young political aspirant. From what you have already told me I gather that you have some practical knowledge of the law of Scotland, which differs in some important respects from that of England. Am I not right in that conjecture?"

"The devil fetch you for an old sneck-drawer!" thought I, mentally recurring to the vernacular. "What, in the name of the collective College of Justice, can have put that notion into your head?" Practical knowledge! Of course I had some practical knowledge. No lad who had spent six years in the office of Messrs Meiklecry, Littlewoo, and Shearaway could fail to acquire some smattering of legal lore, and I had not been an idle nor unobservant workman. I was tolerably well conversant with the principles of Scottish law, but I never had been taught to apply them. Howbeit, it was not for me to start a difficulty before I thoroughly understood the drift of the question; so I replied that I certainly had received the benefit of a legal education, though circumstances had induced me to relinquish the law as a profession.

"Then you are just the very man to suit my purpose," said Sir George. "A professional lawyer is so accustomed to the use of technicalities, that it is very difficult for us of the laity to understand his meaning. What I want is a gentleman of high intelligence, who, knowing the law, can explain its bearing in intelligible language. It is with extreme gratification that I am able to announce to you that your previous acquirements may now be employed with direct advantage to the State, and, I need not add, for your own interest and advancement."

"Well," thought I, "if that should prove to be the case, I may indeed

be thankful to Providence and Mr Shearaway for having promoted me to the occupancy of a three-legged stool!"

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The circumstances," continued Sir George," are these. I may mention, but in the strictest confidence, that it is proposed, in the course of the ensuing session, to introduce a new Poor-law Act for Scotland. This has been urged upon the Ministry by several influential English members of Parliament, who have paid flying visits to the Highlands for a week or so during the recess, and have been much shocked by the squalid appearance of the inhabitants. You are aware that the tendency of recent legislation is towards uniformity and centralisation; the object being that pauperism, wherever it exists, shall be dealt with equally and impartially. There can be no reason-so at least many of our English friends, whose votes we must conciliate, maintain that gigantic poor-houses, like those of Kent and Middlesex, should not be established in such regions as Skye, Uist, and Zetland, at the expense of the proprietors of the soil. In fact, they maintain that each island, having a certain amount of population, should be provided with an independent Bastille. The question being still open, I reserve my individual view; but this much I may tell you, that a very eminent English county member, who travelled for no less than four days in the West Highlands, has threatened, if the Ministry will do nothing, to make this a critical question; and it is more than probable that he would engage the support of all sections of the Opposition. I was privileged to be present at an interview with the Premier when he stated his case, which assuredly appeared to be a strong one, though, owing to his ignorance of the language of the inhabitants, he was unable to say whether they complained or not of the existing system of relief. But the avidity with which they clutched an eleemosynary sixpence, appeared to him a decisive proof of their miserable condition, and of the necessity for its amend

ment; and therefore the Ministry, in order to avoid party dissension, have given directions for the preparation of a new Poor-law Bill for Scotland."

"Have they done so?" said I, my Caledonian blood surging within me. "Had the demand come from Scotland, it ought to have been heeded, which Scottish demands rarely are; but that the representations of a bullheaded, stupid southern squire, who knew nothing whatever of the people, should be made the pretext for legislation, is a direct insult to the country which has given its Royal Family to England !”

"There, now, you are becoming excited the very worst thing that can happen to a man who aspires to enter into public life. Shun excitement, my dear young friend; it throws one entirely off his guard. I have not given way to excitement once during the last thirty years."

"What a precious cold-blooded snail you must be!" was my complimentary thought; but I simply answered with a bow.

"But, to resume," said Sir George Smoothly. "The bill will of course be drawn by the law-officers of the Crown, of whose competency and knowledge there can be no manner of doubt. The debate will be chiefly conducted by the Scotch members; nevertheless it has been deemed advisable that some one of the ministerial party, unconnected with the North, should be thoroughly prepared on the subject; and I, though always reluctant to put myself forward, have been requested to undertake that duty."

"So! that is the way in which our affairs are managed!" thought I. "A very useful adviser you will prove, old gentleman, on a matter of which you are profoundly ignorant!" "My opportunities of acquiring information being but limited," continued Sir George, "and my time being otherwise fully occupied, it is necessary that I should have the assistance of some qualified person to frame, in clear and precise language, a statement of the law as presently administered, along with a tabular view of the parishes in Scotland, their estimated rental, and the

amount of the funds which are available for the maintenance of the poor. It would also be desirable that to such a document should be appended any practical suggestions which may occur to the writer, all which will, most assuredly, be carefully and anxiously considered. The paper will be submitted to the Premier; and, if approved of, will be regarded as the highest possible certificate of merit. Such is the task, my young friend, which I assign to you, in the full belief that you will apply your whole energies and unremitting attention to its perform

ance.

"But, sir," said I, aghast at the proposal, "this is an undertaking far beyond my powers and ability!

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I

"You will permit me to be the judge of that," replied Sir George, with a smile ineffably seraphic. cannot allow your modesty, which, however, is a rare and commendable quality, to stand in the way of your promotion. Young men, I am well aware, are, through inexperience, apt at first to shrink from the responsibility of such labours; but that is mere nervous diffidence, which will disappear as soon as you set to work in earnest. I have some parliamentary papers and returns which you may find of material assistance, and these I shall forward to your address.”

"Really, Sir George, I do not see how I possibly can undertake this. I am not ashamed to own that my circumstances are such as to force me to economise my time for the means of livelihood; and if I were to apply myself diligently to such an investigation, I must needs abandon all other engagements."

If you

"Ah now! Believe me, you very much overrate the labour. begin to imagine difficulties before they arise, you will never be able to make your way. Think only of the splendid prospect before you, and be resolute. Adieu, my dear Mr Sinclair I cannot express the gratification I derive from the thought that I shall be able to advance your interests."

And so, with an affectionate but somewhat clammy squeeze of the hand, Sir George Smoothly made his exit from the library, where the interview which I have detailed took

place, leaving me in a mood of mind in which it would be difficult to say whether doubt, hope, or vexation predominated.

"Would to heaven," said I, soliloquising, "that I could fathom that man's real intentions! He speaks fairly, no doubt of that, and I cannot imagine why he should wish to play me false. Yet, confound it, there is something about him that I don't like! I half suspect that he is humbugging me. He says that he mentioned my name to the Premier-surely that cannot be a lie? No, no-it would be a shame to think so. No English gentleman would demean himself by such gross deceit! But then, why should he have taken such a fancy to me? He has the character of being a selfish man, yet he acts, or professes to act, most generously in regard to myself. Stop though! Generosity is a wide term; and, after all, what has his anxiety on my behalf, supposing it to be real, cost him? Nothing. And what has he promised? Why, vaguely and inferentially, much; but directly and substantially, nothing. But then I suppose I must consider myself for the present as being simply upon trial. Well-that is not altogether unreasonable. Official employments are not so plentiful that I can expect to be offered one without giving proof of my competency. But to undertake a work like this-why, I never shall be able to

go through with it except at the sacrifice of more than I can well afford. What then? All men must lay their account with making some sacrifices, and this, at any rate, holds out a brilliant prospect. But I wish I could have the benefit of some sound advice. What if I were to tell Carlton of this interview? But no. I am in a manner pledged to secresy; besides, Carlton dislikes Sir George Smoothly, and is too much prejudiced to give a fair opinion. Come, let me decide at once. I'll do it! Hard work it must be, but why should I shrink from that? O Mary Beaton! If through labour I could hope to win thee, there is no task so arduous that I would not joyfully undertake!"

With this doughty resolution I returned to London, and did immediately apply myself to the compilation of the required statistics. At first I made but slow progress, for I was forced to read a great deal in order to acquire a competent knowledge of the subject. Gradually, however, I began to feel really interested in the work. Thanks to my business education, I had been early accustomed to grapple with figures, an occupation so distasteful to the majority of mankind, and the glowing schedules rose beneath my hand like magic. What subsequently took place must be recorded in another chapter.

IN our last Number an article appeared in which a narrative was given of the mode in which the provinces of Savoy and Nice were torn from Italy and annexed to France, under the pretence of an appeal to the populations by means of universal suffrage. It was there shown, by the evidence of facts which came under the cognisance of an eyewitness, that the whole process was a gigantic swindle, and that the result obtained by the ballot-box no more represented the real opinions and wishes of the inhabitants, than if they had been marched up to the poll under an escort of military, and compelled to vote at the point of the bayonet, according to the dictates of the French Emperor, whose subjects they have now become. The lesson was an instructive one, and it has, we hope, opened the eyes of all who are not too blind to see, to the intense mockery of universal suffrage as a test of the national will, under circumstances of pressure such as was exercised in the case of Nice and Savoy. We propose now to show the way in which the same instrument is worked in France, and to put our readers in possession of some facts which will enable them to judge of the worth, or rather worthlessness, of an appeal to the people under such conditions.

At present we see in France a state of things which it is difficult to comprehend. We can understand the existence of simple despotism, like that of Russia; or limited monarchy, like that of England; or pure democracy, like that of America; or any of these, with certain modifications not destructive of the main idea and central principle of the particular form of government. But despotism and democracy are contradictory opposites, which seem to be no more capable of amalgamating than fire and water. Each is, in theory at least, the absolute negative of the other. And yet France exhibits the spectacle of a despotic Government

based on the most democratic of all principles-universal suffrage. Under it the Republic was set aside, and a single hereditary ruler was voluntarily chosen by the people, by an overwhelming majority of votes; and under it the Emperor has to deal with a representative Chamber periodically chosen by the masses of the people, who, it would be paradoxical to assert, are perpetually conspiring against their own liberties. However carefully, in the constitution framed for France by the Emperor, are traced the limits within which the Chamber must confine itself, it is impossible to deny that, unless the Imperial Government were popular in France, unmistakable symptoms of general disaffection would show themselves within its walls under a system of universal suffrage, provided the suffrages were fairly taken, and the members chosen truly represented the opinions of their constituents. We see no answer but one to such an argument as the following, which might be used by Napoleon III. in defence of his government :

"You complain that France is despotically ruled, and that her liberties are crushed by military force; that she has no free press; and servilely obeys the dictates of the head of the State. But observe, she does all this with her own free will. She herself, after a solemn appeal made by me to the whole population, chose me as her ruler; and she possesses in the Corps Legislatif an organ through which her voice may be heard with less chance of being mistaken than even the public voice in the Parliament of England; for there the right of suffrage is restricted to a few, whereas in France it belongs to the whole adult male population. If, then, you admit that the voice of the nation is fairly represented by the deputies elected by universal suffrage, and admit also, as you cannot deny, that opposition to Government in the Chamber is feeble and in

significant, I ask you, in logical fairness and consistency, to admit that France and I are perfectly at one, and that in the policy which I pursue I act merely as the