perhaps, not so much surpassed by all of those powers, in reality, as in appearance-the Austrian and Prussian monarchies consisting, not of one compact kingdom, but of various distinct states and people, wishing and therefore liable, at some future period, VI. "Rise in vengeance, rise in right, VII. "Let the sword but quit the sheath, 'Tis but the glittering blade to see- VIII. Ne'er let foreign priestcraft sever IX. At these wild, magic words did gleam It looked on new-born LIBERTY! X. I woke, and marvelled what might mean CAROLAN. Written, under the above "nom de guerre," by a member os the original Comet Club, at the time of the arbitrary arrest of Mr. O'Connell, during the Algerine regime of the Anglesey proclamations. to BE independent.34 Taking Ireland, with Wakefield, to comprise 32,201 square miles, and comparing her with the size of other independent European countries, as laid down in the Table of President 34 The religious alienation from Prussia of its Polish and Rhenish provinces, and the aversion of many considerable portions of its territories to their unjust incorporation with that monarchy, which has only risen to its present condition by the robbery of its neighbours, are notorious, as well as the hostile feelings of the adjoining states on that account, and the consequent obstacles to the permanence of such incorporations. The eventual separation of the Austrian Empire into its primitive national elements, is still more probable, owing to the several considerable and naturally distinct kingdoms of which it is composed, and the comparative weakness of Austria proper, whose two circles or divisions only contain 2,200,000 souls, while Hungary has 9,000,000, Austrian Italy, or the LombardoVenetian kingdom, 4,500,000, Bohemia, about 4,000,000, and Galicia, or Austrian Poland, the best or most southern part of that dismembered monarchy, and about the size of Ireland, has a population of the same amount. And all these portions of the empire, as well as others of inferior but considerable strength, are, we know, deeply attached to the old recollections of their distinct national independence, and determined to act on those recollections, whenever an opportunity occurs. Had Napoleon, after the victory of Wagram, in 1809, availed himself properly of the political advantages presented to him by those old national associations, he would have broken up the Austrian Empire, leaving its sovereign nothing more than Austria, and have restored the various kingdoms of that empire to their ancient independence, by which he would have placed France in a position of political supremacy in reference to her continental neighbours, analogous to that of the Macedonian monarchy towards the states of ancient Greece. He would also have established himself on the French throne beyond all possibility of removal, since, even after the terrible disasters of the Russian expedition, it was only by the interposition of Austria that he was prevented, in 1813, from reconquering Prussia, and beating back the Russians into their own territories, as he had done, in 1806 and 7. But Napoleon had no sympathy with any recollections or with any forms of nationality, as contrasted with the immense aggregations of military and despotic power, which eventually crushed him, as he had crushed others. If France were to become a republic to-morrow, and resolve to Von Malchus,35 she is 4,649 square miles larger than Portugal-409 larger than the kingdom of Naples and Sicily-4,473 larger than Bavaria and Saxony combined-233 larger than Sardinia, Wurtemberg, and the Grand Duchy of Baden put together-1,284 larger than Hanover, the Papal dominions, and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany-351 larger than Denmark added to Greece and 1,529 larger than Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland united. In 36 act upon a principle opposed to Buonaparte's, by vindicating the natural right of self-government to every nation in Europe, on condition of being merely repaid the expenses of their emancipation, she might compensate for her past errors, and attain the most glorious position in history that any country ever possessed. Her celebrated writer, M. Victor Hugo-speaking of Europe, as displaying one system of unjust, international connexions—as presenting a general collection of lord and vassal, of master and slave, of politically white and black states -observes, in proof of his assertion, that Russia has the late kingdom of Poland, Prussia has Posen, another portion of that old monarchy, Sweden has Norway, Austria has Lombardy or Northern Italy, Naples has Sicily, Piedmont or Savoy has Sardinia, France herself has Corsica, and England has Ireland. "In this condition,” says he, “beside each nation in a natural state is seen a nation in an unnatural state." This list, might as we have seen, be considerably enlarged; and, as regards the present connexion between England and Ireland, the sentiments of such an enlightened and impartial foreigner should have their due weight in both countries, in leading to the formation of a firm and lasting, as opposed to a weak and doubtful connexion between the two islands. The present Union is too unjust to be satisfactory. 35" This Table," says Mr. Butler Bryan, "is founded, as far as possible, upon official documents: and probably no individual can have enjoyed better sources of correct information, than one who was successively Minister of Finance to the former King of Westphalia, and the present Sovereign of Wurtemberg. 36 The size of the kingdom of Greece, not mentioned in Von Malchus's Table, as not having been established when he wrote, is taken from other authorities. population EIGHTEEN, and in extent of territory, FIFTEEN European states are inferior to Ireland.37 Her revenue-allowing for various uncredited articles of home consumption, credited to, because purchased in, England-is above £5,000,000 a year. She contains, according to the recent parliamentary report of the Irish Railway Commission, above 8,520,000 inhabitants, or a military population of about 2,000,000; while her insular as contrasted with the continental position of the nations otherwise ranking before her, would give her, under proper management, a defensive strength, sufficient, as the case of England shows, to balance or counteract almost every other superiority. To be an important commercial, and consequently naval power, the natural advantages of Ireland are not surpassed by any country in Europe. With Britain, and the kingdoms bordering upon the German Ocean and the Baltic, with France, Spain, Portugal, the coasts of Africa, the East and West Indies, all the easttern side of South America, the United States, Newfoundland, the "immense regions round Hudson's and Baffin's Bay," and with Greenland-in fine, with numerous nations, capable of, and interested in, receiving and bestowing all the benefits of reciprocal commerce, the maritime situation of Ireland affords her an easy intercourse; while her great, though at present imperfectly-developed fertility and resources, and her large and naturally-intelligent 37 Bryan's Practical View of Ireland, chap. iv. p. 73. population, if duly taken advantage of, would render her one of the greatest marts of local industry, international communication and increasing opulence, in the world. From her superior geographical position and formation, Ireland, indeed, seems intended by nature to rank above England as a trading and maritime power,39 since she has not only more harbours adapted for ships of the largest size than England and Wales, but more than perhaps all Europe can display! The western coast of Ireland presents, for the space of 200 miles, a series of the very finest ports, from any of which an Irish ship could either reach the West Indies or America, before a ship from London could get out of the Channel; or arrive in the New World long previous to an English vessel, starting from the comparatively advantageous point of Liverpool. In addition 38 Newenham's View of Ireland, part. 1. sect. 1. p. 5. The Politician's Dictionary, (Lond. 1775.) vol. 1. p. 361 & 2. 39 To this circumstance the many restrictions of England upon the trade of Ireland have been attributed by foreigners. The Abbe de la Bletterie, in a note upon the well-known passage of Tacitus, respecting the superiority of Irish to British commerce in Agricola's time, says, "Ireland has more harbours and more convenient ports than any other country in Europe. England"—the Abbe speaks by comparison," has but a small number. Ireland, if she could shake off the British yoke, and form an independent state, would ruin the British commerce; but"-continues the Abbe," to her misfortune, England is too well convinced of this truth !"(Murphy's Tacitus p. 604, Jones's edit.) See likewise the Huguenot historian Rapin, (Tindal's Rapin, vol. 1. p. 234.) and the philosopher Montesquieu (Spirit of Laws, book XIX. chap. 27); and compare their statements with the sensible remarks of Lord Lyttleton (Hist. of Henry II. vol. III. p. 33 & 4) on the unsuccess. ful Norwegian invasion of Ireland, in the year 1101. |