not excepting children of opulent families.. England differs widely in the nature of its foil, and of its people. But there is little occafion to infift upon that difference; as Switzerland affords no clear evidence, that a spirit of industry is perfectly compatible with a militia: the Swifs, it is true, may be termed industrious; but their industry is confined to neceffaries and conveniencies: they are lefs ambitious of wealth than of military glory; and they have few arts or manufactures, either to fupport foreign commerce, or to excite lu

xury.

Fletcher of Salton's plan of a militia, differs little from that of Harrington. Three camps are to be constantly kept up in England, and a fourth in Scotland; into one or other of which, every man must enter upon completing his one and twentieth year. In these camps, the art of war is to be acquired and practifed: those who can maintain themselves must continue there two years, others but a fingle year. Secondly, Those who have been thus educated, fhall for ever after have fifty yearly meetings, and fhall exercise four hours every meeting. It is not

faid, by what means young men are compelled to refort to the camp; nor is any exception mentioned of perfons destin'd for the church, for liberal fciences, or for the fine arts. The weak and the fickly must be exempted; and yet no regulation is proposed against those who absent themfelves on a falfe pretext. But waving these, the capital objection against Harrington's plan ftrikes equally against Fletcher's, That by roufing a military fpirit, it would alienate the minds of our people from arts and manufactures, and from constant and uniform occupation. The author himself remarks, that the ufe and exercife of arms, would make the youth place their honour upon that art, and would enflame them with love of military glory; not adverting, that love of military glory, diffused through the whole mafs of the people, would unqualify Britain for being a manufacturing and commercial country, rendering it of little weight or confideration in Europe.

The military branch is effential to every fpecies of government: the Quakers are the only people who ever doubted of it. Is it not then mortifying, that a capital

branch

branch of government, fhould to this day remain in a state fo imperfect? One would fufpect fome inherent vice in the nature of government, that counteracts every effort of genius to produce a more perfect mode. I am not difpofed to admit any fuch defect, especially in an article effential to the well-being of fociety; and rather than yield to the charge, I venture to propofe the following plan, even at the hazard of being thought an idle projector. And what animates me greatly to make the attempt, is a firm conviction that a military and an induftrious spirit are of equal importance to Britain; and that if either of them be loft, we are undone. To reconcile thefe feeming antagonists, is my chief view in the following plan; to which I fhall proceed, after paving the way by fome preliminary confiderations.

The first is, that as military force is ef fential to every ftate, no man is exempted from bearing arms for his country: all are bound; becaufe no perfon has right to be exempted more than another. Were any difference to be made, perfons of figure and fortune ought firft to be called to that fervice, as being the most interested in the welfare

I

welfare of their country. Liften to a good foldier delivering his opinion on that fubject. Les levées qui fe font par super"cherie font tout auffi odieuses; on met de l'argent dans la pochette d'un homme, et on lui dit qu'il eft foldat. Celles qui fe font par force, le font encore plus; c'eft une défolation publique, "dont le bourgeois et l'habitant ne fe fau66 vent qu'à force d'argent, et dont le fond "eft toujours un moyen odieux. Ne vou"droit-il pas mieux établer, par une loi, que tout homme, de quelque condition

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qu'il fût, feroit obligé de fervir fon prince et fa patrie pendant cinq ans ? "Cette loi ne fçauroit être defapprouvée,

parce qu'il eft naturel et jufte que les citoyens s'emploient pour la défenfe de "l'état. Cette methode de lever des trou66 pes feroit un fond inépuifable de belles et bonnes recrues, qui ne feroient pas ' fujetes a déferter. L'on fe feroit même, par la fuite, un honneur et un devoir "de ferver fa tâche. Mais, pour y par"venir, il faudroit n'en excepter aucune condition, être sévére fur ce point, et "s'attacher a faire exécuter cette loi de "préférence aux nobles et aux riches. VOL. III. "Perfonne

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Perfonne n'en murmureroit.

Alors

ceux qui auroient fervi leur temps, verroient avec mépris ceux qui repugneroi

ent à cette loi, et infenfiblement on fe "feroit un honneur de fervir: le pauvre "bourgeois feroit confolé par l'example "du riche; et celui-ci n'oferoit fe plain"dre, voyant fervir le noble (a) *"

(a) Les reveries du Comte de Saxe.

Take

* "The method of inlifting men, by putting a "trick upon them, is fully as odious. They flip a "piece of money into a man's pocket, and then tell "him he is a foldier. Inlifting by force is ftill more "odious. It is a public calamity, from which the "citizen has no means of faving himself but by money; and it is confequently the worst of all "the resources of government. Would it not be more expedient to enact a law, obliging every man, whatever be his rank, to ferve his King and country for five years? This law could not be "difapproved of, because it is confiftent both with

nature and juftice, that every citizen fhould be "employed in the defence of the state. Here would "be an inexhaustible fund of good and able fol"diers, who would not be apt to defert, as every man would reckon it both his honour and his "duty to have served his time. But to effect this, "it must be a fixed principle, That there fhall be "no exception of ranks. This point must be ri"gorously attended to, and the law must be en"forced, by way of preference, first among the

"nobility