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lenistical, or not, has been doubted. The LXX indeed (unless in Mal. i. 3.) use it in this sense, and generally for the Heb. a flat roof; [as for ex. Josh. ii. 6, 8. 1 Sam. ix. 25, 26. Ps. cxxix. 6.] but the most usual meaning of dupa in the Greek classics, on the other hand, is a house or chamber. (See Wolfius on Mat. x. 27.) Eustathius, however, (and, I think, justly,) explains Copart in Hom. Od. x. 554. to mean a flat roof, and Alberti, p. 504. shows that Herodian [ii. 6, 19. vii. 11, 12.] applies the N. in the same sense. It may be worth adding, that Josephus likewise uses it for a flat roof, Ant. xiii. 5, 3. Twv dè 'lovἐαίων ἀπὸ ΔΩΜΑΤΟΣ ἐπὶ ΔΩ͂ ΜΑ διαπηδών. Tor, but the Jews leaping from roof to roof; so de Bel. iv. 1, 4. ἀποπίπτοντες TOY AQMATON, falling from the roofs. And to illustrate what our Saviour says, Mat. x. 27. we observe, that Josephus, de Bel. ii. 21, 5. tells us, that he himself harangued the Jews at Tarichææ, àvaBác inì rò riyog, haring got upon the roof; and that the modern eastern houses are commonly low, not more than two stories high 2.-On Luke v. 19. see under ά007εɣál. [Schleusner says, that in Acts x. 9. it means an upper chamber, and he quotes Jerome, Ep. ad Sunniam, and on Dan. vi. 10. In the Ep. ad Sunniam, Jerome says distinetly, that dua means a flat roof. See Irmisch on Herodian, i. 12, 16.]

case of dwped, used adverbially, q. d. karà dwpráv for a gift.

1. Freely, gratis, as a free gift. Mat. x. 8. Rom. iii. 24. 2 Cor. xi. 7.

II. Undeservedly, without cause. John xv. 25. This seems an Hellenistical sense of the word, in which it is used by the LXX, Ps. xxxv. 19. Ixix. 5. cix. 3. Lam. iii. 52. for the Heb. Dan. [Aq. Tob. ii. 3.]

III. In vain, without cause. Gal. ii. 21. [Job i. 9. Ezek. xiii. 10.]

Δωρέω, ὤ, from δῶρον. - Δωρέομαι, οῦμαι, mid. and pass. to give freely. occ. Mark xv. 45. 2 Pet. i. 3, 4. in which last verse it may be translated either actively or passively, but I rather prefer the active sense; for thus it is used in the immediately preceding verse, and so the LXX apply the perf. pass. of this verb, Gen. xxx. 20. [Esth. viii. 1.]

ΕΩΣ Δώρημα, ατος, τό, from δεδώρημαι perf. pass. of dwpropat.-A gift, a free gift. occ. Rom. v. 16. James i. 17.

Δῶρον, ου, τό, from the obsolete V. δύω το gice, which see under didwp.

I. A gift, of God to man. Eph. ii. 8.

II. A gift, present, of man to man. Rev. xi. 10. III. Most usually, a gift or offering, of man to God. Mat. v. 23. xv. 5. Mark vii. 11. Heb. v. 1. xi. 4. Comp. Mat. ii. 11. where see Suicer Thesaur. in Aißavog. On Mat. xxiii. 18. we may observe that Josephus, c. Apion. i. 22. expressly mentions the oath by the Corban or Apov, as peculiar to the Jews, and observes from Theotheir own laws prohibited from using it. Comp. phrastus, that their Tyrian neighbours were by Kopẞay below. [It especially meant, the money ii. 6.] put into the treasury. Luke xxi. 1. and thence was put for the treasury itself. Luke xxi. 4. Comp. Awpear, adv. It is properly the accusative Mark xii. 43. A dowry, LXX, Gen. xxx. 20.]

Autá, aç, n, from depov.-A gift, a free gift. Acts ii. 38. Rom. v. 15, 17. John iv. 10. where Campbell, whom see, renders it bounty, as the N. is used Wisd, xvi. 25. [In Eph. iv. 7. it seems to be benignity, kindness. Awped and xaps are often joined. See Rom. v. 15, 17. Diod. Sic. ii. 37, 72. Joseph. Ant. v. 1, 16. LXX, Dan.

E, E. The fifth letter of the Greek alphabet, corresponding in order and power to the Heb. He+, but its form is that of the Samaritan or Phoenician He turned to the right hand; and there is little doubt but its ancient name in Greek

was nearly the same as in Hebrew or Phoenician, though the later Greeks call it Epsilon, (E fiλór,) ie. E gender, or short, to distinguish it from their A Eta or E long, just as they called their O O purpov, or small, in contradistinction to their long O named 2 μέya, or great. See Thomasinus's Preface to his Glossarium Heb. p. 87.

'EA, interjection.-It may be understood as a natural exclamation of indignation or grief, like ah! hah! as it is often used by the Greek writers (see Wetstein and Raphelius) 3; and thus Grotius makes it parallel to the Hebrew particles ; or else it may be taken as the 2nd pers. sing. imperative of the V. law to suffer, 1 [Add Esop. Fab. xi. and see Gataker de Stylo N. T. * See Shaw's Travels, p. 207. Busbequii Epist. Ture. i. p. 150, 1. "The houses (says Dr. Russel) consist of a ground floor, which is generally arched, and an upper story,

c. 23. Schwarz. Comm. p. 385.]

which is flat on the top, and either terraced with hard plaster, or paved with stone." Nat. Hist. of Aleppo, p. 2. See Polyen. ii. 30. Achill. Tat. vi. p. 339.

E.

let alone. So the Vulg. renders it in Luke sine, and our own translation in both the following passages let alone. occ. Mark i. 24. Luke iv. 34. The former interpretation seems preferable.

from the Heb. E, if, to which this word, when 'Eáv, a conjunction, from av, or immediately used in the LXX, generally answers; or else áv may be from the Chald. if, for which the LXX use it, Ezra iv. 13. v. 17. Dan. ii. 5, 6; or from the Heb. behold, to which it corresponds in the LXX of Job xl. 23. or 18.

1. Conditional, if, on condition that, supposing that. Mat. iv. 9. vii. 10. viii. 2. et al. freq. 2. Concessive, though, although. 1 Cor. iv. 15. 2 Cor. x. 8. Comp. Mark viii. 36. Rom.

3. Repeated, lav-láv whether-or. xiv. 8.

4. When. 2 Cor. v. 1. 1 John iii. 2. John [vi. 62.] xii. 32. (where see Whitby and Doddridge,) [xiii. 20. xiv. 3. xvi. 7. et al.] So Clement, 1 Cor. § 44. 'EA'N кon@wow, when they were dead.

and Lat. -cunque. [It is so used when it follows 5. Indefinite, answering to the Eng. -soever, ὅς, ή, ὅ, οι ὅσος, οσάκις, and ὅπου.] See Mat

v. 19. viii. 19. x. 14, 42. xviii. 19. 1 Cor. vi. 18.) Comp. av 2. That this use of láv is not peculiar to the LXX and the sacred penmen of the N. T., but frequent also in the purest Greek writers, may be seen in Zeunius's edition of Vigerus, de Idiotismis, cap. viii. sect. 6. reg. 14. p. 516. [It must be observed, that láv and av are so little different, that Hermann on Viger proposes in the classics to correct always av for láv. Herm. ad Vig. p. 855. No. 313.]

6. Eav pn, if not, unless, except. Mat. v. 20. [John iii. 22.] Rom. x. 15. But, in an adversative sense. Gal. ii. 16. Comp. ɛi μý under ti 8. 'Еáveр, a conjunction, from láv if, and Tép emphat. If indeed, if truly. occ. Heb. iii. 6, 14. vi. 3.

'Eaurou, ns, ou, a pronoun wanting the nominative case, and compounded of the Ionic eo, for ou, of his own, and avrov him.

1. Himself, herself, or itself. See Mat. xii. 26. ix. 21. This pronoun is properly of the third person, but is sometimes used for the second, as Rom. xiii. 9. Mat. iii. 9. xvi. 8. xxiii. 31. 2 Cor. vi. 4. Comp. 1 Thess. v. 13. and Wolfius there; and for the first, Acts xxiii. 14. Rom. viii. 23. xv. 1. These uses of the word are not peculiar to the sacred penmen; the classical Greek writers apply it in like manner, as Schmidius hath shown on Mat. iii. 9. (see Pole, Synops.) and as might easily be proved from numerous other instances. But observe, that in Rom. xiii. 9. eleven MSS., three ancient, read σravтóv. See Mill and Wetstein. [Take as examples of the 1st person, Polyb. ii. 37, 2. Ælian, V. H. i. 32. Thuc. i. 82. See Buttmann, § 114. note 5. Matth. § 489. Fisch. ad Well. t. ii. p. 239; of the 2nd sing. Elian, V. H. i. 21. Esch. Agam. 1308; of the 2nd plur. Polyb. xviii, 6, 4.]

II. Plur, one another. See Eph. iv. 32. Col. iii. 16. Jude 20. [Add Mark x. 26. xi. 31. John xii. 19. Rom. i. 24, 27. 1 Thess. v. 13. Xen. Mem. iii. 5, 2. 16. Thuc. iii. 81. Soph. Antig. 153. See Perizon. ad Ælian. V. H. i. 21. Reitz. ad Lucian. ii. p. 98. Matthiæ, § 489. Fisch. ad Well. ii. p. 241.]

III. It sometimes denotes a person's home. Thus John xx. 10. pòs taurous to their own home. So Luke xxiv. 12. άπñλOε πрос iανтóv, he went to his own home. See Griesbach. Thus the French say, chez eux. Comp. under póc III. 1. [See Numb. xxiv. 28. Prov. xv. 27. Gen. xliii. 31. 1 Sam. xxvi. 12. Joseph. Ant. x. 10, 3. Polyb. v. 93, 1. So ad sese redire in Plautus, Menæchm. v. 2, 1. Hap' avr is, in his own house. 1 Cor. xvi. 2. Xen. Mem. ii. 13, 3.]

[IV. 'Ev davr yeviolaι. To come to one's self, as after fainting or stupefaction. Acts xii. 11. See d'Orvill. ad Charit. vi. 1. p. 510. ed. Lips. and Locell. ad Xen. Eph. p. 228. Polyb. i. 49, 8. Xen. Anab. i. 5, 17.]

[V. Eis avrov pxeo0a. Originally this had the same meaning as IV.; but thence it came to signify, to return to a better mind after being vicious. Luke xv. 17. See Schwarz. Comm. Ling. Gr. p. 388.]

[VII. 'Er lavr, in one's mind, within. Mat. iii. 9. ix. 3, 21. Mark v. 30. John v. 26. vi. 53, 61. xi. 38. Acts x. 3. Other phrases are dokážuv iv lavr, John xiii. 32. which is difficult. Kuinoel after Heumann says, that the words iv kavry are redundant, and added only because iv air stood in the former part of the verse. Rosenmüller avoids a clear explanation, saying, “God will glorify him by himself, i. e. by raising him from the dead, taking him to heaven, &c.-'Ev kavr, either by himself, or with himself." Lampe doubts whether tavr here relates to God or Christ. If to the first, God glorifies Christ in himself because by himself, by his own divine glory, (see Rom. vi. 4.) his perfections all shining in the Son,-because He will himself be glorified by the glorification of the Son,-because He glorifies his Son with himself, giving Him a communion and equality of glory, &c. If to the Son, (and to this sense Lampe inclines,) He is glorified in himself, because the glory, though given by the Father, is his own, and because by the glorification, He possesses an eternal fount from which the glory of all the elect to the end of the world will be derived. Again, in Eph. ii. 15. iv avr is by his intervention. Rosenmüller seems to think it is the same as iv rỷ σaprì čavrov by the sufferings endured in his person. In Acts xxviii. 16. James ii. 17. Kal' kavróv is, alone, by one's self, (and so πpòç έavróv in Luke xviii. 11.) See Polyb. i. 24, 1. Xen. Mem. iii. 54.]

'Eáw.

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1. To permit, suffer. Mat. xxiv. 43. Luke iv. 41. xxii. 51. tãre wç TOUTOU, "let this suffice-let pass what is done-enough of this— -no more of this." Campbell, whom see, and comp. Mat. xxvi. 52, 53. John xviii. 11. Diodati renders Luke xxii. 51. as if there was a comma after lare, Lasciate, поп рій; "have done, no more.' But Kypke, whom see, "thinks that the words are EWS Tourou were spoken to the men who were about to carry off Christ as a prisoner, and translates them, desist so far, i. e. leave me at liberty until I shall have healed the man, whose ear is cut off, and afterwards I will make no resistance to your carrying me away bound. After are is to be understood μé, leave me at liberty. Comp. Acts v. 38. and LXX in Exod. xxxii. 9. Judg. xi. 37. Job vii. 16; after roúrov supply xpóvov. Polybius likewise uses wc Tourov elliptically for so long." Comp. Doddridge. [Schl. says the meaning is, be content, acquiesce, do not go further, do not offer violence. Wahl translates, desist (from revenging me); so far! i.e. what is done is enough, and supposes the words directed to the disciples. So Rosenm., Kuinoel, and Bretschn.]

under Tepiaiρew II. II. To let go, let fall, occ. Acts xxvii. 40. Comp.

Εβδομήκοντα, οἱ, αἱ, τά, indeclinable, from ouoc the seventh.-Seventy, i. e. seven tens. occ. Luke x. 1, 17. Acts vii. 14. xxiii. 23.

̔Εβδομήκοντα ἕξ, from ἑβδομήκοντα, and ἓξ six.-Seventy-six. occ. Acts xxvii. 37.

̔Εβδομηκοντάκις, adv. from ἑβδομήκοντα, and [VI. 'A' avrov, lavrwv, of one's self, of one's Kic, the numeral termination, which see.-Seventy own accord, of one's own power, or at one's own bid- times. occ. Mat. xviii. 22. ¿ßooμnkovtákig i#tá, ding. Luke xii. 57. John v. 19. vii. 18. xi. 51. serenty times seven. It is an Hebraical or Hellen2 Cor. iii. 5. x. 7. See Markl. ad Lys. Orat. xxxi.istical phrase for a number of times, however great. p. 603.]

Seven itself is in Hebrew the number of sufficiency.

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descendants of those who crucified the Lord of
life, hath prevailed, and is but too generally
received, that, during the Babylonish captivity,
the Hebrew language ceased to be vernacular
among the Jews; and it is pretended that they
brought back the Chaldee or Babylonish instead
of it, and, in consequence, that the language com-
monly spoken in Judea in our Saviour's time was
not Hebrew, but Syriac or Syro-Chaldaic. But,
1st, Prejudice apart, is it probable that any people
should lose their native language in a captivity
of no longer than seventy years' continuance?
(Comp. Ezra iii. 12. Hag. ii. 3.) And is it not
still less probable that a people so tenacious of
their law as the Jews, should yet be so negligent
of their language, wherein the institutes of that
law both religious and civil were contained, as to
suffer such a loss, and exchange their mother
tongue for that of their detested and idolatrous
enemies; especially since they had been assured
by the prophet Jeremiah, ch. xxv. 11, 12. xxvii.
22. xxix. 10. (comp. Dan. ix. 2.) that after a
captivity of no more than seventy years they
should be restored to their own land? But,
2ndly, It appears from Scripture, that under the
captivity the Jews actually retained not only their
language, but their manner of writing it, or the
form and fashion of their letters. Else, what
meaneth Esth. viii. 9. where we read that the
decree of Ahasuerus, or Artaxerxes Longimanus,
was written unto every province according to the
writing thereof, and unto every people after their
language, and to the Jews according to their writing,
and according to their language? (Comp. Esth.
i. 22. Ezra iv. 7.) And let it be remarked, that
this decree was issued, according to Prideaux,
(Connect. pt. i. b. 5.) five years after Ezra had
obtained his commission for his return to Jeru-

'Eẞpaios, a, ov, from Heb., of which presently. An Hebrew, a native Jew, in opposition to Enviorns, or one who had been converted from heathenism to Judaism. (Comp. EAAnVIGTne.) occ. Acts vi. 1. 2 Cor. xi. 22. Phil. iii. 5. Eßpaios i 'Eẞpaiwv, an Hebrew of or from Hebrews, i. e. descended from Hebrews or native Jews, both by the father's and mother's side. Josephus, the Jewish historian, who himself tells us in his Life, § 1. that he was of a sacerdotal family, and by his mother related to the Asmonéan race, is by Eusebius (Demons. Evang. vi. 18. p. 291. ed. Colon.) styled Eẞoaios Eẞpaiwv. Comp. Kypke. [In Acts vi. 1. the native Jew is certainly distinguished from the Hellenist; but in 2 Cor. xi. 22. Phil. iii. 5. the Hebrew is distinguished from the Israelite and the Jew, whence Carpzoff (Proleg. ad Exerc. Philon. in Ep. ad Hebr. p. 3.) thinks that Hebrew pointed out the religion, Israelite and Jew the nation. Bretschneider entirely denies this.]— 'Espaios is in the LXX constantly used for, and is plainly derived from, an Hebrew, which word may need some explanation. The V. then signifies to pass, pass through, remove from one place to another; and Shem the progenitor of the holy line is called, Gen. x. 21.salem with those of his nation, of which see Ezra the father of all the children (not of Eber his great-grandson; for how was he more the father of them than of his other descendants? but) of passage or pilgrimage: the father of all those who were passengers, pilgrims, itinerants, passing from one place to another, as the holy line were till their settlement in Canaan, and also confessed themselves to be strangers and pilgrims upon earth, plainly declaring thereby that they sought a better country, that is to say, an heavenly. See Gen. xxiii. 4. xlvii. 9. Heb. xi. 8-10, 13-16. Of Abraham, in particular, it is written, Gen. xii. 6. that he passed through the land, and during his pilgrimage from one place to another in the land of promise, wherein he sojourned, as in a strange country, the epithet, that is, the pilgrim or Bojourner, (LXX πeρáτy passenger,) formed as a stranger, is applied first to him, Gen. xiv. 13; and afterwards became the name of the holy family and nation descended from him. See Gen. xxxix. 14. xl. 15. xliii. 32. Exod. ii. 6, 11.

iii. 18.

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vii. 3rdly, "Ezekiel, who prophesied during the captivity to the Jews in Chaldea, wrote and published his prophecies in Hebrew." Leland's Reflections on Lord Bolingbroke's Letters, p. 229. 3rd ed., where see more. 4thly, The prophets who flourished soon after the return of the Jews to their own country, namely, Haggai and Zechariah, prophesied to them in Hebrew, and so did Malachi, who seems to have delivered his prophecy about an hundred years after that event. Now if Chaldee was the vernacular language of the Jews after the captivity, what tolerable reason can be assigned, why those inspired men addressed not only the priests and great men, but also the body of the people, in Hebrew, and did not, as Daniel and Ezra have sometimes done, use the Chaldee language? It is, I think, by no means sufficient to answer, with Bishop Walton, that they did this because the rest of the sacred books were written in Hebrew; for if there were any force in this reason, it would prove that Daniel also and Ezra ought to have written in Hebrew only. 5thly, Nehemiah, who was governor of the Jews about a hundred years

3 [Carpzoff also supposes that the Jews lived together

very much in Chaldea like a colony, and refers to Ezek. i. ; but that does not seem very clear. Prideaux (Connect. b. iii. at the beginning) says they lived in different parts, though he does not give any proof.]

4 See Jenkin on the Christian Religion, vol. i. p. 197. 3rd edit.

5 See Prideaux, Connect. pt. i. b. 6. an. A. c. 428.

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after their return from Babylon, not only wrote his book in Hebrew, but in ch. xiii. 23, 24. complains that some of the Jews, during his absence, had married wives of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of Moab, and that their children could not speak the Jews' language, but spake a mixed tongue. Now is Hebrew, as appears from all the other passages wherein it occurs, namely, 2 Kings xviii. 26, 28. 2 Chron. xxxii. 18. Isa. xxxvi. 11, 13. But how impertinent is the remark, and how foolish the complaint of Nehemiah, that the children of some Jews, who had taken foreigners for wives, could not speak pure Hebrew, if that tongue had ceased to be vernacular among the people in general a hundred years before that period "So that (to use the words of a learned writer 2, to whom I am greatly indebted in the above observations) this very text of Nehemiah, I think, refutes the received supposition of the Hebrew being lost in the Babylonish captivity." 6thly, It is highly absurd and unreasonable to suppose that the writers of the New Testament used the term Hebrew to signify a different language from that which the Grecizing Jews denoted by that name; but the language which those Jews called Hebrew after the Babylonish captivity, was not Syriac, or Chaldee, but the same in which the law and the prophets were written. This appears from the prologue to Ecclus., which, according to Prideaux, was penned by the grandson of Jesus about 132 years before Christ; for he there observes, that "the same things uttered in Hebrew (EBPAIETT Xɛyóμeva), and translated into another tongue, have not the same force in them: and not only these things, (this Book of Ecclesiasticus,) but the law itself, and the prophets, and the rest of the books, have no small difference, when they are spoken in their own language." Lastly, It may be worth adding, that Josephus, who frequently uses the expressions Tv EΒΡΑΙΩΝ διάλεκτον, γλῶτταν τὴν ΕΒΡΑΙΩΝ, 'EBPAI TI', for the language in which Moses wrote, (see inter al. Ant. i. 1. § 1, 2. comp. x. 1. § 2.) tells us, de Bel. vi. 2. § 1. that towards the conclusion of the siege of Jerusalem he addressed not only John, the commander of the Zealots, but Tois Tools the (Jewish) multitude who were with him, 'EBPAI ZON in the Hebrew tongue, which was therefore the common language of the Jews at that time, i. e. about forty years after our Saviour's death. Comp. Ant. xviii. 7, 10. On the whole, I conclude, that the Jews did not exchange the Hebrew for the Chaldee language at the captivity, and that the terms 'Eẞpais, 'Eßpaïкós,

1 If any one should be so unreasonable as to contend, that in this text of Nehemiah means, not Hebrew, but Chaldee, the language pretended to be then spoken by the Jews; I answer, that the Chaldee language is in Scripture not only always called by other names, once

the language of the Chaldees, Dan. i. 4; and usually Aramilish, (see inter al. Ezra iv. 7. Dan. ii. 4.) but that under the latter appellation it is also expressly contradis tinguished from TT, or Jewish, in 2 Kings xviii. 26. Is. xxxvi. 11.

2 Spearman, On the LXX, &c. Letter v., where the reader may find several of the above arguments enforced, and objections answered.

3 See Prideaux, Connect. pt. ii. b. v. an. A. c. 132.

'Eẞpaïori, in the N. T. denote, not the Syriac or Syro-Chaldaic, but the Hebrew language, commonly so called; though I readily grant that this language, especially as spoken by the Galileans, (see Mark xiv. 70. Mat. xxvi. 73. and under Taxiλaioc,) had in our Saviour's time deflected from its ancient purity, as particularly appears, I think, from the words 'Aẞẞã, 'Akiλčaμa, BoaPepyέs, Polyola, which see in their proper places. As to the language in which the ancient Syriac version is written, that sometimes coincides with the language which our Saviour spoke, and

sometimes not.

Thus raka, Mat. v. 22. talitha kumi, Mark v. 41. and corban, Mark vii. 11. are preserved in that version. But the three first words of our Saviour's dolorous cry, Mat. xxvii. 46. Mark xv. 34. are there represented by Ail, Ail, lemena; Boanerges, Mark iii. 17. is explained by Beni Roma; Golgotha, Mat. xxvii. 33. Mark xv. 22. John xix. 17. is expressed by Gegultha; ; Gabbatha, John xix. 13. by Gepiptha; and Akeldama, Acts i. 19. is interpreted by Quirith dem. [The passage in Neh. viii. 7, 8. where the Levites are said to make the people understand the law, and to give the sense,' is the one cited by those in opposition to Parkhurst, but Carpzoff (Crit. Sacr. Vet. Test. p. 214.) observes very justly, that there is no need to understand translation there, but only exposition. See, on one side, Ephodoeus the grammarian, b. vii.; Elias Levita, Pref. to the book Methurgeman; Kimehi, Pref. to book Michtol; Hottinger, Smegm. Orient. P. 33; Walton, Proleg. iii. § 24; Buxtorf, Dissert. Philol. iii. § 38. seqq. On the other, Mayer, Philol. Sacr. p. ii. c. 2; Alting, Dissert. Acad. Hept. vii. Diss. i. Opp. t. v. p. 195; Morinus, Exerc. xi. p. 77; Pfeiffer, Crit. Sacr. ch. iii. qu. 4; Loscher, de Caus. Ling. Hebr. lib. i. c. v. p. 49. seq.]

Eẞpaïorí, adv. See 'Eßpatç.-In Hebrew, in the Hebrew language. occ. John v. 2. xix. 13, 17, 20. Rev. ix. 11. (Ν. Β.) xvi. 16. So Josephus, Ant. x. 1, 2. relating the history in 2 Kings xviii. 26, 28. says, that Rabshakeh spake to the Jews 'Eẞpaïori, in Hebrew.

Εγγίζω, from ἐγγύς. [This verbis properly actire, (Gen. xlviii. 10. Is. v. 8. xlvi. 13.) but like ẞadiw, ¿λπi¿w, is used generally as neuter or middle. It has a dative, or iç or ni with it.]— To approach, come, or draw near. It is spoken of persons, and that whether in a proper, as Mat. xxi. 1. Luke xix. 29. xxiv. 28; or in a figurative sense, as Phil. ii. 30. Heb. vii. 19. Mat. xv. 8. James iv. 8; of things or events, Mat. iii. 2. Mark i. 15. Luke x. 9, 11; of time, Mat. xxvi. 45. Acts vii. 17. Heb. x. 25. [Deut. xxxi. 14. Is. xxvi. 17. In Mat. xv. 8. Heb. vii. 19. to draw near to God is to worship Him. See Exod. xix. 22. Is. xxxix. 13. Ez. xlii. 13. In James iv. 8. by God's drawing near to In the Old Test. it is to offer gifts or sacrifice.] men, is meant his conferring benefits on them. In Luke xviii. 35. "a distinction (or comma) should have been placed after avrov, thus: but it came to pass, as he drew near, (viz. to Jerusalem,) at Jericho, a blind man, &c." Markland in Bow

4 See this point more particularly proved by the learned Spearman, On the LXX, Letter v., and comp. Walton's Prolegom. xiii. 5.

yer's Conject., where see more; and with this great critic I agree, notwithstanding the unusually confident remarks in Campbell's Note. Comp. ig I. 14. [Schl. says on this place, that the verb does not always denote motion to, but distance from a place. Then we must construe, when he was not far from Jericho.]

'Eyypápw, from iv in or on, and ypάow to write. [To inscribe. 1 Mac. xiii. 40. Dan. xii. 1. Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 17.]-To ENGRAVE, or write in or on. occ. 2 Cor. iii. 2, 3. [It obviously means, to fix deep.]

Η Εγγυος, ου, o, from ἐγγύη a pledge or pawn, so called from being lodged iv yvos in the hands of the creditor.-A sponsor, surety. occ. Heb. vii. 22. See Wolfius. This word occurs, not in the LXX, but they use the N. iyyun for the Heb. a suretyship, joining with another in contract, Prov. xvii. 18; and the V. mid. ¿yyváopai, to make oneself a surety, for the V. y, Prov. vi. 1. xvii. 18; and in Ecclus. xxix. 15, 16. 2 Mac. x. 28. we have the N. Eyyvos. [Deyling (Obss. Sacr. i. p. 373.) says with great truth, that it is not, in this place of the Hebrews, simply fidejussor, or one who leaves the old debtor still under the burden of his debt, but expromissor, or one who takes it on himself; áváðoxoç, as Hesychius explains it.]

ΕΓΓΥΣ, adv. Governing a genitive.Near, Righ, of place, John iii. 23. vi. 19; of time, Mat. xxiv. 32. xxvi. 18. [where time is meant, the word is used in the N. T. without a case after it;] of state, Eph. ii. 13, 17. Heb. vi. 8. Εγγύτερος, α, ον, Compar. from ἐγγύς.

Bear, nearer. occ. Rom. xiii. 11.

More

'ETEI P2, from Heb. Hiph. of or to raise, raise up, being, as usual, changed into 7. The LXX have in several passages used ytiow for the Heb. v, as in Cant. ii. 7. iii. 5. et al.

I. Transitively, to raise up, [one sitting. Mat. ii. 20, 21.] from the ground. Acts [ix. 16.] x. 26. [from a pit. Matt. xii. 11.] 'Eyɛipouat, mid, to raise up oneself, rise up, from a sitting or recumbent posture. Mark x. 49. xiv. 42. John xi. 29. Acts iii. 6. 'Eytipoμat, pass. the same. Mat. xvii. 7. Acts ix. 8.

II. To raise up, [to bid to arise,] as children to Abraham, a prophet, &c. See Mat. iii. 9. xxiv. 11, 24. Luke [iii. 8.] vii. 16. [In this metaphorical sense, see Luke i. 69. to which, perhaps, referring, Hesychius has yelper, ávédežev, avorov. Acts xiii. 22. And in the pass. Mat. xi. 11. there hath not arisen. John vii. 52.]

III. 'Eyɛipouai, pass. to rise up, in hostility. Mat. xxiv. 7. [So inɛyɛiρw, Is. xix. 2.]

IV. To rouse or raise from sleep. Mat. viii. 25. Pass, to be roused, awake, or rise from sleep, and that whether natural, Mat. ii. 13, 14. viii. 26; or spiritual, Rom. xiii. 11. 'Eyɛipopat, mid. the same. Eph. v. 14. [Acts xii. 7. Mark iv. 27. Prov. vi. 9.]

V. To raise up, as a person lying sick. Mark i. 31. 'Eyɛipouat, pass. and mid. to be raised, or

rise up, as one who lay sick. Mat. ix. 5, 6, 7. Mark ii. 9, 11, 12. [James v. 15.]

VI. To rouse or raise up the dead. See John xii. 1, 9, 17. Acts iii. 15. iv. 10. xxvi. 8. 2 Cor. i. 9. Comp. John ii. 19. where Kypke shows that Lucian frequently uses the phrase vaòv ¿yɛipev for building a temple, and that Josephus applies the V. to restoring, rebuilding, as it signifies in John. Pass. to be raised up from the dead, Mat. xvii. 23. xxvi. 32. xxvii. 52. xxviii, 7. et al. freq. The word is applied in the same sense by the LXX, 2 Kings iv. 31. for the Heb. awakened.

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VII. [To build up again. John ii. 20. So Herodian, viii. 2, 12. Elian, H. A. xi. 10. Sometimes the word is redundant, and according to Schleusner, in Mat. viii. 26. ix. 6, 7, 19. Luke xiii. 15.]

*Έγερσις, εως, ή, from ἐγείρω.-Resurrection, resuscitation, being awakened, as it were, from the sleep of death. occ. Mat. xxvii. 53. [Rising up. Psalm exxxiv. 2. 3 Esdr. v. 83.]

Εγκάθετος, ου, ό, ή, from ἐν in, and καθίημι to let down, set in ambush.-A lier in wait, one who lets himself down, as it were, or crouches in some secret place to spy, listen, catch, or hurt. So Hesychius explains ἐγκάθετοι by ἐνεδρεύοντες persons lying in wait or ambush; and Suidas, ¿yκάθετος by δόλιος deceitful, κατάσκοπος α 'spy. Josephus, however, plainly uses this word for a ii. 2, 5. where Antipater accuses Archelaus as person suborned for a particular purpose, de Bel. μετὰ τὴν Ἡρώδου τελευτὴν ̓ΕΓΚΑΘΕΤΟΥΣ υποπέμψας (mittendos subornavit, Hudson) τοὺς περιθήσοντας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα, after Herod's death suborning persons to put the diadem on his own head. And speaking of the false prophets, who promised the Jews divine assistance, even when the Romans were burning their temple, de Bel. vi. 5, 2, he says, roλλoi d' oav 'EIKA'OEΤΟΙ παρὰ τῶν τυράννων τότε πρὸς τὸν δῆμον

pooйrai, many prophets were then suborned by the tyrants (and sent) to the people. So the learned Hudson, " multi autem tunc à tyrannis subornati sunt ad populum prophetæ." occ. Luke xx. 20. which text Wolfius remarks that Jos. Scaliger has not improperly rendered "observato eo, subornarunt qui se justos simularent," having watched them they suborned some who should feign themselves just men. Comp. Kypke. The LXX use the phrase tykάeroç yivoua for the Heb. 1 to lie in wait, Job xxxi. 9. [and xix. 12. Polyb. xiii. 5, 1. Æschin. S. Dial. iii. 12.]

ΕΓΚΑΙΝΙΑ, ων, τά, from ἐν in or at, and Kairóg new. The feast of dedication, festal solemnities in memory of the dedication of the temple at Jerusalem, or of its purification and renovation, as it were, after it had been polluted by heathen idolatrics and impurities [by Antiochus Epiphanes]. Of the institution of this feast by Judas Maccabeus, we have a particular account, 1 Mac.iv.36-59. Comp. 2 Mac. x. 5-8. and Josephus, Ant. xii. 7. § 6, 7. occ. John x. 22. where see Whitby, Doddridge, and Campbell. [It was celebrated in the month Cisleu, which answered to our December, and lasted for eight days. It was kept all through Judea, and one custom was to keep lights burning

Duport from Eustathius in Theophr. Charact. Eth. in the houses through the eight nights of the

p. 406. and Damm's Lexicon, col. 62, 65.

2 [See Glass Philol. Sacr. p. 1174. ed. Dath.]

feast.] In the LXX this N. answers to the

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