THE WRATH OF JOHN GIBBS.

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ous epithet to the name; wished Sir Andrew any where but on his journey to London, or sitting in the House again, with his abominable bill, for which he had no designation bad enough. The torrent of invective ran so high and so long, that poor John was dumb for a while, from actual astonishment at the change in his companion; but at length, his patience fairly exhausted, he started up and declared he would no longer sit quietly by and hear his master so abused. This increased the storm; and the landlord, alarmed at the noise, arrived just in time to prevent high words from coming to hard blows. After hearing both sides, he declared John to be the aggrieved party, and, failing to obtain an apology from the enraged traveller, he apologised to John for having exposed him to such a scene, and thus soothed, he persuaded him to forgive and go quietly to bed.

CHAPTER IX.

SIR ANDREW'S SECOND BILL FOR SABBATH OBSERVANCEHISTORY OF OTHER SABBATH BILLS IN PARLIAMENT.

1834.

PARLIAMENT having been summoned to meet for the despatch of business on the 4th of February 1834, Sir Andrew was again at his post. He took a deep interest in all the leading questions of the day, particularly in those relating to Ireland. To the Irish Education Bill he was opposed, on the ground of its sanctioning the Popish principle of denying the free use of the Bible, and not securing a bona fide Scriptural instruction. On the question of the repeal of the Union, we find him thus expressing himself:

"I may venture to state, that my feelings towards the people of Ireland are certainly far from hostile. On the contrary, from early associations, I have reason to entertain a sentiment of regard for that country; and, indeed, my particular wish is to aid every measure for the removal of those practical evils which affect her people. With regard to the question of the repeal of the Union, I may state, that when, some thirty or forty years ago, I was a schoolboy in Ireland, I recollect that all my companions spoke with

INTEREST IN IRELAND.

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horror of what was, at that time, considered the destruction of the independence of their country-the abolition of a domestic legislature by the Union; but I am assured by my friends, that in consequence of the violence of the party who advocate the repeal of the Union, that feeling has altogether fled, and that those very persons are now as sincerely attached to the union of Ireland with this country as they were before hostile to it. My hope and belief is, that if the Imperial Legislature will adopt those measures of amelioration which that country requires, Ireland will at length settle down with England and Scotland as one happy and united kingdom.”

This statement, as a matter of course, called up his old enemies, O'Connell and his tail. Mr Feargus O'Connor said "he reminded him of Rip Van Winkle, who slept on the Kaatskill hills for forty years, and on returning to his house, found the face of the country entirely changed, and knew no one person or thing." To this Sir Andrew replied, that he had not obtruded his own opinions, but merely quoted those of his friends a very different class of persons from the poor people who, in their wretched condition, had been too easily induced by O'Connell and his party to believe that any change would be an improvement.*

The same kindly and hopeful spirit in regard to Ireland, he took every opportunity of expressing. At a meeting of the "Irish Society of London," held May 15, this year, he thus stated the results of his personal observations on the Irish emigrants in the western coast of Scotland, too often treated with aversion and careless contempt :

* Mirror of Parliament, Feb. 18, 1834, p. 207.

218

SIR ANDREW AGAIN IN THE field.

"These men," he said, "were generally without any education; and from that circumstance, and their less civilized habits, they were enabled to work at a much lower rate than the Scottish agriculturist could do. The consequence was, that the latter, not being able to stand against the competition, was either obliged to go to some other part of the country, or to turn his attention to some other kind of employment. When the Irishmen became thus located, there was a strong disposition amongst them to send their children to school; and therefore he had the hope, that, in the course of a little time, they should see a race of well-conducted and well-educated Irish grow up among them. In proportion, however, as they became educated, they acquired all the prudent and frugal habits of the Scotch (a laugh); and they, in their turn, were as little able to stand against the competition of the poorer among their own countrymen, and were forced to give place to an inferior set of emigrants. He did not state this with the view of making any wondrous comparison between the Scotch and Irish. Of course, he could not be suspected of any such intention, when he stated the fact that he himself was a born Irishman. He ascribed the difference to a sound Scriptural education; and therefore would urge that the Irish be taught to read the Word of God in their native tongue.' ”米

Meanwhile, petitions for the better observance of the Sabbath again began to pour into Parliament from all parts of the country; and Sir Andrew, on the 11th of March, again moved for leave to bring in a bill on that subject. Grave were the suspicions thrown out as to the character of this new bill, and many the hopes expressed that it would be something very different from its predecessor. It is amusing to * Record, May 22, 1843.

mark the coolness and the tact with which, in the skirmishing that preceded its introduction, he ried off all premature discussion on its merits.

par

"Mr O'Dwyer.-May I be permitted to ask the honourable member, whether there is any penal law in Scotland preventing the due observance of the Sabbath? I know there is no such law in England or Ireland; and if it do not exist in Scotland, I cannot see the necessity for any legislative interference on the subject.

"Sir A. Agnew.-As a question has been put to me by the honourable gentleman, I shall endeavour to answer it. It is not my object that the convenience of any man should be molested, but that the consciences of the poor should be protected against the avarice of their employers.

"Mr Sanford.—I do hope that, in legislating upon this subject, due regard will be paid to the wants and wishes of the people.

"Sir A. Agnew.-I repeat that I have no wish to interfere with the religious opinions of any class of persons, nor to infringe upon the recreations and amusements of the people.

"Mr Roebuck. The difference is imperceptible to me between the sin of five hundred half-choked shopkeepers, who are passing up the Thames in a steamboat, and that of the persons who are enjoying themselves in Hyde Park—except, indeed, that the desecration in the latter case is ten thousand times greater.

"Several honourable members (among whom was Sir A. Agnew) Hear, hear.'

"Mr Roebuck.-I am glad to hear that cheer from the honourable baronet, and I hope that he will stamp at the head of his bill the principle which I have laid down.

"Sir A. Agnew.--I trust that when the House comes into committee upon the bill, honourable gentlemen will see that it is not open to the objections that have been urged. With