and that which can be juftly prov'd hurtfull, and offenfive to every true Chriftian, wil be evinc't to be alike hurtful to monarchy: for God forbid, that we should separate and distinguish the end, and good of a monarch, from the end and good of the monarchy, or of that, from Christianity. How then this third, and last fort that hinder reformation, will justify that it stands not with reafon of state, I much mufe? For certain I am, the Bible is fhut against them, as certaine that neither Plato, nor Ariftotle is for their turnes, What they can bring us now from the Schools of Loyola with his Jefuites, or their Malvezzi that can cut Tacitus into flivers and steaks, we shall presently hear. They alledge 1. That the Church government must be conformable to the civill politie, next, that no forme of Church government is agreeable to monarchy, but that of Bishops. Muft Church government that is appointed in the Gospel, and has chief refpect to the foul, be conformable, and pliant to civil, that is arbitrary, and chiefly converfant about the visible and external part of man? this is the very maxim that moulded the Calvs of Bethel and of Dan, this was the quinteffence of Jeroboams policy, he made Religion conform to his politick interests, & this was the fin that watcht over the Ifraelites till their final captivity. If this State principle come from the Prelates, as they affect to be counted statifts, let them look back to Elutherius Bishop of Rome, and fee what he thought of the policy of England; being requir'd by Lucius the firft Chriftian King of this Iland to give his counsel for the founding of Religious Laws, little thought he of this fage caution, but bids him betake himselfe to the old, and new Testament, and receive direction from them how to adminifter both Church, and Common-wealth; that he was Gods Vicar, and therfore to rule by Gods Laws, that the Edicts of

Cæfar we may at all times difallow, but the Statutes of God for no reason we may reject. Now certaine if Church-goverment be taught in the Gofpel, as the Bishops dare not deny, we may well conclude of what late standing this Pofition is, newly calculated for the altitude of Bishop elevation, and lettice for their lips. But by what example can they fhew that the form of Church Difcipline must be minted, and modell❜d out to fecular pretences? The ancient Republick of the Jews is evident to have run through all the changes of civil eftate, if we furvey the Story from the giving of the Law to the Herods, yet did one manner of Priestly government ferve without inconvenience to all thefe temporal mutations: it ferv'd the mild Ariftocracy of elective Dukes, and heads of Tribes joyn'd with them; the dictatorship of the Judges, the eafie, or hard-handed Monarchy's, the domeftick, or forrain tyrannies, Lastly the Roman Senat from without, the Jewish Senat at home with the Galilean Tetrarch, yet the Levites had fome right to deal in civil affairs: but seeing the Euangelical precept forbids Churchmen to intermeddle with worldly imployments, what interweavings, or interworkings can knit the Minifter, and the Magistrate in their feveral functions to the regard of any precife correfpondency? Seeing that the Churchmans office is only to teach men the Christian Faith, to exhort all, to incourage the good, to admonish the bad, privately the leffe offender, publickly the scandalous and stubborn; to cenfure, and separate from the communion of Chrifts flock, the contagious, and incorrigible, to receive with joy, and fatherly compaffion the penitent, all this must be don, and more then this is beyond any Church autority. What is all this either here, or there to the temporal regiment of Wealpublick, whether it be Popular, Princely, or Monarchical? Where doth

it intrench upon the temporal governor, where does it come in his walk? where does it make inrode upon his jurisdiction? Indeed if the Ministers part be rightly discharg'd, it renders him the people more confcionable, quiet, and eafie to be govern'd, if otherwife his life and doctrine will declare him. If therfore the Conftitution of the Church be already fet down by divine prescript, as all fides confeffe, then can fhe not be a handmaid to wait on civil commodities, and respects: and if the nature and limits of Church Discipline be such, as are either helpfull to all political estates indifferently, or have no particular relation to any, then is there no neceffity, nor indeed poffibility of linking the one with the other in a fpeciall conformation.

Now for their second conclufion, That no form of Church government is agreeable to Monarchy, but that of Bishops, although it fall to pieces of it felfe by that which hath bin fayd: yet to give them play front, and reare, it shall be my task to prove that Epifcopacy with that Autority which it challenges in England is not only not agreeable, but tending to the destruction of Monarchy. While the Primitive Pastors of the Church of God labour'd faithfully in their Ministery, tending only their Sheep, and not seeking, but avoiding all worldly matters as clogs, and indeed derogations, and debasements to their high calling, little needed the Princes, and potentates of the earth, which way foever the Gospel was fpread, to study ways how to make a coherence between the Churches politie, and theirs: therfore when Pilate heard once our Saviour Chrift profeffing that his Kingdome was not of this world, he thought the man could not stand much in Cafars light, nor much indammage the Roman Empire: for if the life of Christ be hid to this world, much more is his Scepter unoperative, but in fpirituall things. And

thus liv'd, for 2 or 3 ages, the Succeffors of the Apoftles. But when through Conftantines lavish Superftition they forfook their first love, and set themselvs up two Gods instead, Mammon and their Belly, then taking advantage of the spiritual power which they had on mens confciences, they began to caft a longing eye to get the body alfo, and bodily things into their command, upon which their carnal defires, the Spirit dayly quenching and dying in them, they knew no way to keep themselves up from falling to nothing, but by bolstering, and fupporting their inward rottenes by a carnal, and outward ftrength. For a while they rather privily fought opportunity, then haftily disclos'd their project, but when Conftantine was dead, and 3 or 4 Emperors more, their drift became notorious, and offenfive to the whole world: for while Theodofius the younger reign'd, thus writes Socrates the Historian in his 7th Book, 11. chap. now began an ill name to stick upon the Bishops of Rome, and Alexandria, who beyond their Prieftly bounds now long agoe had stept into principality, and this was scarfe 80. years fince their raifing from the meanest worldly condition. Of courtefie now let any man tell me, if they draw to themselves a temporall strength and power out of Cæfars Dominion, is not Cæfars Empire thereby diminisht? but this was a stolne bit, hitherto hee was but a Caterpiller fecretly gnawing at Monarchy, the next time you fhall fee him a Woolfe, a Lyon, lifting his paw against his raiser, as Petrarch expreft it, and finally an open enemy, and fubverter of the Greeke Empire. Philippicus and Leo, with divers other Emperours after them, not without the advice of their Patriarchs, and at length of a whole Eafterne Counfell of 3. hundred thirty eight Bishops, threw the Images out of Churches as being decreed idolatrous.

Upon this goodly occafion the Bishop of Rome not only feizes the City, and all the Territory about into his owne hands, and makes himselfe Lord thereof, which till then was govern'd by a Greeke Magiftrate, but abfolves all Italy of their Tribute, and obedience due to the Emperour, because hee obey'd Gods Commandement in abolishing Idolatry.

Mark Sir here how the Pope came by S. Peters Patrymony, as he feigns it, not the donation of Conftantine, but idolatry and rebellion got it him. Yee need but read Sigonius one of his owne Sect to know the Story at large. And now to shroud himselfe against a storme from the Greek Continent, and provide a Champion to beare him out in these practifes, hee takes upon him by Papall fentence to unthrone Chilpericus the rightfull K. of France, and gives the Kingdome to Pepin for no other caufe but that hee feem'd to him the more active man. If he were a freind herein to Monarchy I know not, but to the Monarch I need not afke what he was.

Having thus made Pepin his faft freind, he cals him into Italy against Aiftulphus the Lombard, that warr'd upon him for his late Ufurpation of Rome as belonging to Ravenna which he had newly won. Pepin, not unobedient to the Popes call, paffing into Italy, frees him out of danger, and wins for him the whole exarchat of Ravenna, which though it had beene almost immediately before, the hereditary poffeffion of that Monarchy which was his cheife Patron, and Benefactor, yet he takes, and keepes it to himselfe as lawfull prize, and given to St. Peter. What a dangerous fallacie is this, when a spirituall man may snatch to himselfe any temporall Dignity, or Dominion under pretence of receiving it for the Churches ufe; thus he claimes Naples, Sicily, England, and what not? To bee fhort, under fhew of his zeale against the errors of the Greeke Church,