and abuse, might go far, we think, to refute | ministration in some measure in their hands, this desperate allegation. But a very short would be glad enough to put down all popu resumption of the principles we have just lar interference, whether by assemblies, by been unfolding will show that it cannot pos- speech, or by writing; and, in fact, only allow sibly be true. the law to be as indulgent as it is, and its ad We reckon as Whigs, in this question, all ministration to be so much more indulgent, those who are not disposed to go the length from a conviction that they would not be sup of either of the extreme parties who would ported in more severe measures, either by now divide the country between them,-all, public opinion without, or even by their own in other words, who wish the Government to majorities within the walls of the Legislature. be substantially more popular than it is, or is They know very well that a great part of their tending to be-but, at the same time, to re-adherents are attached to them by no other tain more aristocratical influence, and more tie than that of their own immediate interest, deference to authority, than the Radical Re--and that, even among them as they now formers will tolerate:-and, we do not hesitate to say, that so far from being weak or inconsiderable in the country, we are perfectly convinced that, among the educated classes, which now embrace a very large proportion of the whole, it greatly outnumbers both the others put together. It should always be recollected, that a middle party like this is invariably much stronger, as well as more determined and formidable, than it appears. Extreme doctrines always make the most noise. They lead most to vehemence, passion, and display,-they are inculcated with most clamour and exaggeration, and excite the greatest alarm. In this way we hear of them most frequently and loudly. But they are not, upon that account, the most widely spread or generally adopted ;-and, in an enlightened country, where there are two opposite kinds of extravagance thus trumpeted abroad together, they serve in a good degree as correctives to each other; and the great body of the people will almost inevitably settle into a middle or moderate opinion. The champions, to be sure, and ambitious leaders on each side, will probably only be exasperated into greater bitterness and greater confidence, by the excitement of their contention. -But the greater part of the lookers-on can scarcely fail to perceive that mutual wounds have been inflicted, and mutual infirmities revealed, and the continuance and very fierceness of the combat is apt to breed a general opinion, that neither party is right, to the height of their respective pretensions; and that truth and justice can only be satisfied by large and mutual concessions.

Of the two parties-the Thorough Reformers are most indebted for an appearance of greater strength than they actually possess, to their own boldness and activity, and the mere curiosity it excites among the idle, co-operating with the sounding alarms of their opponents, -while the high Tories owe the same advantage in a greater degree to the quiet effect of their influence and wealth, and to that prudence which leads so many, who in their hearts are against them, to keep their opinions to themselves, till some opportunity can be found of declaring them with effect. Both, however, are conscious that they owe much to such an illusion, and neither, accordingly, has courage to venture on those measures to which they would infallibly resort, if they trusted to their apparent, as an actual or available strength. The Tories, who have the ad

stand, they could command at least as large a following for Whig measures as for Tory measures, if only proposed by an administration of as much apparent stability. It is not necessary, indeed, to go farther than to the common conversation of the more open or careless of those who vote and act among the Tories, to be satisfied, that a very large proportion, indeed, of those who pass under that title, are what we should call really Whigs in heart and conviction, and are ready to declare themselves such, on the first convenient opportunity. With regard to the Radical Reformers, again, very little more, we think, can be necessary to show their real weakness in the country, than to observe how very few votes they ever obtain at an election, even in the most open boroughs, and the most popu lous and independent counties. We count for nothing in this question the mere physical force which may seem to be arrayed on their side in the manufacturing districts, on occasions of distress and suffering; though, if they felt that they had even this permanently at their command, it is impossible that they should not have more nominations of parlia mentary attorneys, and more steady and imposing exhibitions of their strength and union.

At the present moment, then, we are persuaded that the proper Whig party is in reality by much the largest and the steadiest in the country; and we are also convinced, that it is in a course of rapid increase. The effect of all long-continued discussion is to disclose flaws in all sweeping arguments, and to multiply exceptions to all general propositionsto discountenance extravagance, in short, to abate confidence and intolerance, and thus to lay the foundations for liberal compromise and mutual concession. Even those who continue to think that all the reason is exclusively on their side, can scarcely hope to convert their opponents, except by degrees. Some few rash and fiery spirits may contrive to pass from one extreme to the other, without going through the middle. But the common course undoubt edly is different; and therefore we are entitled to reckon, that every one who is detached from the Tory or the Radical faction, will make a stage at least, or half-way house, of Whiggism; and may probably be induced, by the comfort and respectability of the establishment, to remain: As the temperate regions of the earth are found to detain the greater part of those who have been induced to fly from the heats of the Equator, or the rigours of the Pole.

MISCELLANEOUS.

(May, 1820.)

An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain respecting the United States of America. Part First. Containing an Historical Outline of their Merits and Wrongs as Colonies, and Strictures on the Calumnies of British Writers. By ROBERT WALSH, Esq. 8vo. pp. 505. Philadelphia and London: 1819.*

ONE great staple of this book is a vehement, and, we really think, a singularly unJust attack, on the principles of this Journal. Yet we take part, on the whole, with the author: and heartily wish him success in the great object of vindicating his country from unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, in England, ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions. In this part of the design we cordially concur-and shall at all times be glad to co-operate. But there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation--and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity which he very erroneously supposes to be generally entertained by the English against them.

deed, on the score of this author's imputations, or had any desire to lessen the just effect of his representations, it would have been enough for us, we believe, to have let them alone. For, without some such help as ours, the work really does not seem calculated to make any great impression in this quarter of the world. It is not only, as the author has himself ingenuously observed of it, a very "clumsy book," heavily written and abominably printed,-but the only material part of it

the only part about which anybody can now be supposed to care much, either here or in America - is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before us.

The substantial question is, what has been the true character and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation, and what is likely to be their condition That this is, in itself, and under any circum-in future? And to elucidate this question, stances, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. Walsh himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it is better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect good humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parties perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those who are now to be heard have the strongest conviction of having been injuriously misrepresented. If we felt any soreness, in

upon

There is no one feeling having public concerns for its object-with which I have been so long and so deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining friendly, and even cordial relations, with the free, powerful, moral, and industrious States of America:-a condition which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better part of the world, will ultimately be found to be more and more dependent. I give the first place, therefore, in this concluding division of the work, to an earnest and somewhat importunate exhortation to this effect-which I believe produced some impression at the time, and I trust may still help forward he good end to which it was directed.

the learned author has thought fit to premise about two hundred very close-printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say, either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or interesting deduction of events-but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from com mon books, of good and bad authority-inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, indeed, that there are in this part of the work either any new statements, or any new views or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmers' Annals, and Burke's European Settlements; and the authorities for the good conduct and ill treatment of the colonies, being chiefly the Parliamentary Debates and Brougham's Colonial Policy.

But, in good truth, these historica. recollections will go but a little way in determining that great practical and most important question, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well as ours, to discuss-What are, and what ought to be, the dispositions of England and America towards each other? And the general facts

621

as to the first settlements and colonial history | ter the general feeling, and to keep alive the of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this memory of animosities that ought not to have question, really do not admit of much dispute. been so long remembered. At last came peace, The most important of those settlements were and the spirit, we verily believe, but unfor unquestionably founded by the friends of civil tunately not the prosperity of peace; and the and religious liberty-who, though somewhat distresses and commercial embarrassments of precise and puritanical, and we must add, not both countries threw both into bad humour; a little intolerant, were, in the main, a sturdy and unfortunately hurried both into a system and sagacious race of people, not readily to of jealous and illiberal policy, by which that be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought bad humour was aggravated, and received an through so many sacrifices; and ready at all unfortunate direction. times manfully and resolutely to assert them against all invaders. As to the mother country, again, without claiming for her any romantic tenderness or generosity towards those hardy offsets, we think we may say, that she oppressed and domineered over them much less than any other modern nation has done over any such settlements-that she allowed them, for the most part, liberal charters and constitutions, and was kind enough to leave them very much to themselves;-and although she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected -so that they grew up undoubtedly to a state of much prosperity and a familiarity with freedom in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably would not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her.

In this exasperated state of the national temper, and we do think, too much under its influence, Mr. Walsh has now thought himself called upon to vindicate his country from the aspersions of English writers; and after arraigning them, generally, of the most incredible ignorance, and atrocious malignity, he proceeds to state, that the EDINBURGH and QUARTERLY Reviews, in particular, have been incessantly labouring to traduce the character of America, and have lately broken out into such "excesses of obloquy," as can no longer be endured; and, in particular, that the pros pect of a large emigration to the United States has thrown us all into such "paroxysms of spite and jealousy," that we have engaged in a scheme of systematic defamation that sets truth and consistency alike at defiance. To counteract this nefarious scheme, Mr. W. has taken the field-not so much to refute as to retort-not for the purpose of pointing out our errors, or exposing our unfairness, but, rather, if we understand him aright, of retaliating on us the unjust abuse we have been so long pour. ing on others. In his preface, accordingly, he fairly avows it to be his intention to act on the offensive-to carry the war into the enemy's quarters, and to make reprisals upon the hon our and character of England, in revenge for the insults which, he will have it, her writers have heaped on his country. He therefore proposes to point out,-not the natural com plexion, or genuine features, but "the sores and blotches of the British nation," to the scorn and detestation of his countrymen; and having assumed, that it is the "intention of Great Britain to educate her youth in sentiments of the most rancorous hostility to Amer ica," he assures us, that this design will, and must be met with corresponding sentiments, on his side of the water!

As to the War itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say any thing or, at least, when we say that having once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of Justice and Liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. Walsh can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have expected. But, upon the whole, we firmly belive that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was likely very speedily to have been entirely effaced, by those ancient recollections of kind- Now, though we cannot applaud the genness and kindred which could not fail to recur, erosity, or even the common humanity of and by that still more powerful feeling, to these sentiments-though we think that the which every day was likely to add strength, American government and people, if at all of their common interests, as free and as com- deserving of the eulogy which Mr. W. has mercial countries, and of the substantial con- here bestowed upon them, might, like Cromformity of their national character, and of well, have felt themselves too strong to care their sentiments upon most topics of public about paper shot-and though we cannot but and of private right. The healing operation, feel that a more temperate and candid tone however, of these causes was unfortunately would have carried more weight, as well as thwarted and retarded by the heats that rose more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin out of the French revolution, and the new in- by admitting, that America has cause of comterests and new relations which it appeared plaint;-and that nothing can be more despifor a time to create :-And the hostilities in cable and disgusting, than the scurrility with which we were at last involved with America which she has been assailed by a portion of herself—though the opinions of her people, as the press of this country-and that, disgracewell as our own, were deeply divided upon ful as these publications are, they speak the both questions-served still further to embit-I sense, if not of a considerable, at least of a

conspicuous and active party in the nation.* | ceived under our protection, as a refuge from All this, and more than this, we have no wish, military despotism. Since that hope was lost, and no intention to deny. But we do wish it would have satisfied them to find that their most anxiously to impress upon Mr. W. and republican institutions had made them poor, his adherents, to beware how they believe and turbulent, and depraved-incapable of that this party speaks the sense of the British civil wisdom, regardless of national honour, Nation-or that their sentiments on this, or on and as intractable to their own elected rulers many other occasions, are in any degree in as they had been to their hereditary_soveaccordance with those of the great body of reign. To those who were capable of such our people. On the contrary, we are firmly wishes and such expectations, it is easy to persuaded that a very large majority of the conceive, that the happiness and good order nation, numerically considered, and a still of the United States-the wisdom and aularger majority of the intelligent and enlight- thority of their government-and the unened persons whose influence and authority paralleled rapidity of their progress in wealth, cannot fail in the long run to govern her coun- population, and refinement, must have been cils, would disclaim all sympathy with any but an ungrateful spectacle; and most especipart of these opinions; and actually look on ally, that the splendid and steady success of the miserable libels in question, not only with by far the most truly democratical governthe scorn and disgust to which Mr. W. would ment that ever was established in the world, consign them, but with a sense of shame from must have struck the most lively alarm into which his situation fortunately exempts him, the hearts of all those who were anxious to and a sorrow and regret, of which unfortu- have it believed that the People could never nately he seems too little susceptible. interfere in politics but to their ruin, and that the smallest addition to the democratical influence, recognised in the theory at least of the British Constitution, must lead to the immediate destruction of peace and property, morality and religion.

It is a fact which can require no proof, even in America, that there is a party in this country not friendly to political liberty, and decidedly hostile to all extension of popular rights, -which, if it does not grudge to its own people the powers and privileges which are be- That there are journals in this country, and stowed on them by the Constitution, is at least journals too of great and deserved reputation for confining their exercise within the narrow-in other respects, who have spoken the lan est limits-which never thinks the peace and guage of the party we have now described, well-being of society in danger from any thing and that in a tone of singular intemperance but popular encroachments, and holds the and offence, we most readily admit. But need only safe or desirable government to be that we tell Mr. W., or any ordinarily well-inof a pretty pure and unincumbered Monarchy, formed individual of his countrymen, that supported by a vast revenue and a powerful neither this party nor their journalists can be army, and obeyed by a people just enlightened allowed to stand for the People of England? enough to be orderly and industrious, but no-that it is notorious that there is among that way curious as to questions of right-and never presuming to judge of the conduct of their superiors.

people another and a far more numerous party, whose sentiments are at all points opposed to those of the former, and who are, Now, it is quite true that this Party dislikes by necessary consequence, friends to America, America, and is apt enough to decry and in- and to all that Americans most value in their sult her. Its adherents never have forgiven character and institutions-who, as Englishthe success of her war of independence-the men, are more proud to have great and gloloss of a nominal sovereignty, or perhaps of arious nations descended from them, than to real power of vexing and oppressing-her have discontented colonies uselessly subjected supposed rivalry in trade-and, above all, the to their caprice-who, as Freemen rejoice to happiness and tranquillity which she now see freedom advancing, with giant footsteps, enjoys under a republican form of govern- over the fairest regions of the earth, and na ment. Such a spectacle of democratical pros- tions flourishing exactly in proportion as they perity is unspeakably mortifying to their high are free-and to know that when the drivelmonarchical principles, and is easily imagined ling advocates of hierarchy and legitimacy to be dangerous to their security. Their first vent their paltry sophistries with some shadow wish, and, for a time, their darling hope, was, of plausibility on the history of the Old World, that the infant States would quarrel among they can now turn with decisive triumph to themselves, and be thankful to be again re- the unequivocal example of the New-and demonstrate the unspeakable advantages of free government, by the unprecedented pros perity of America? Such persons, too, can be as little suspected of entertaining any jealousy of the commercial prosperity of the Americans as of their political freedom; since it requires but a very moderate share of un derstanding to see, that the advantages of trade must always be mutual and reciprocal

*

Things are much mended in this respect since 1820; persons of rank and influence in this country now speaking of America, in private as well as in public, with infinitely greater respect and friendliness than was then common; and evincing, I think, a more general desire to be courteous to individuals of that nation, than to foreigners of any other description. There are still, however, publications among us, and some proceeding from quarters where I should not have looked for them, that continue to keep up the tone alluded to in the text, and consequently to do mischief, which it is still a duty therefore to endeavour to counteract.

that one great trading country is of necessity the best customer to another-ard that the trade of America, consisting chiefly in the ex