to the traveller,' and some forty years hence, when they may be cut down, will give 'fuel to the planters, and gratification to all;' and WHEREAS the legislature will disregard my recommendations, this is to inform all whom it may concern, that whoever will plant ten poplar trees, of good size, and such as take root, on any turnpike, regularly incorporated by the legislature of this commonwealth, that their present Lieut. Governour, will, if he should happen to be chosen Governour at the next election, make a speech in favour of such person or persons, and recommend him or them to the patronage of the legislature; and whoever will plant twenty trees, as before described, shall not only be mentioned in the speech, but shall be honoured with a gubernatorial metaphor, into the bargain. Done in the Council chamber, on this 6th day of February, 1809. By ME, THE LIEUT. GOVERNOUR OF MASSACHUSETTS. The Legislature of Massachusetts. 'Are ye not mark'd, ye men of Dalecarlia, a IT is to be hoped that the tone, which this Legislature assumes, is not merely to be an echo of what their constituents have told them; but that it will be loud, tremendous, and bold; so that it may be terrour to our wavering and uncertain rulers at Washington. The people do not want to be informed of what they have said, but what their representatives intend to do. A meek, temporising, moderate system of management is not equal to guide, much less to command the passions of these times. He, who undertakes to ride the whirlwind and direct the storm,' must have energy. But our Committee on Petitions in the house were so lamb-like, meek and gentle, that their report passed without oppofition or debate. We had hoped better things. TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS. THE Review of a Sermon on the Death of the late Governour SULLIVAN, sent by a Correspondent, shall be inserted in our next number. THE OR DE A L. No. 7.] SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1809. [Vol. 1. POLITICKS. WE are governed by a set of drivellers, whose folly takes away all dignity from distress, and makes even calamity ridiculous. STEELE. I believe there is yet a spirit of resistance in this country, which will not submit to be oppressed; but I am sure there is a fund of good sense in this country, which cannot be deceived. JUNIUS. LETTER.-No. 4. SIR, To the Honourable JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State. AS by the suffrages of the people you are soon to be exalted to the highest official situation in their gift, it is expected that from the point of your elevation, you will observe with circumspection the paths which will then be unfolded to your view. Though we have no reason to believe that Mr. Jefferson's successor, the man who has been declared to be pledged to continue the course of his policy, will be eminently wise or scrupulously virtuous; yet we are willing for the present to suspend the clamours of opposition, in silent solicitude and breathless attention. It will be difficult for you, in the most sincere anxiety for the publick welfare, ever to restore to us our former happiness, the measures of your predecessor have so effectually destroyed our hopes; but though the best expedient to be adopted at this crisis may create some doubt, the path of honour and integrity can never be mistaken, and should never be deserted, I hope, sir, the intoxication of success will not render you neglectful of the precautions of prudence, nor careless of the lessons of monition. Recollect the mutability of popular favour. A single hiss has oftentimes been sufficient to change the most tumultuous plaudits into clamorous reprobation. The scrutiny with which your conduct will be investigated, ought not to be considered unreasonable or unjust; you ought rather to be stimVol. 1. N ulated by it to efforts of virtuous exertion. But in the practice of your virtue let your conduct be so fair and unreserved, that, like Portia's, it may not only be free from objection but suspicion. We have too dearly experienced in your predecessor, that hypocrisy and sincerity have a strong exteriour resemblance; do not you disappoint us by suffering any thing to appear, which may be mistaken for the garb of virtue, covering the body of corruption. No, sir, in you we hope to realize more virtuous principles, more practical good, and more impartial justice, than have yet been shewn by the administration of the present men in power; but our hopes, we confess, are not so much the effects of just expectation, as our most earnest but presumptuous wishes. We will not now enquire, sir, how honourably you have deserved the office to which you are destined; let Mr. Munroe, if he has the disposition, make the investigation. When he returned from Europe, the clamours of his party in favour of his being an opposing candidate for the presidency were both frequent and loud. He was expected to have divided the suffrages of Virginia, at least equally, with you; he justly complained of the treatment he experienced from Mr. Jefferson, on the treaty he had negociated with Great-Britain, and he excited the sympathies of his own party, and many federalists in his favour. How has it happened, by what excess of folly on his part has it been produced, that all this clamour for unworthy treatment, and all this increasing popularity have been suffered to subside into a silence, equally astonishing and profound? Was his affected satisfaction contained in his correspondence with the president only a gloss to cover the secret compensations of the cabinet? What powerful reasons, sir, did you present him, to induce him to relinquish his claims on the publick support; and how many did he require, to be convinced that the necessities of the country demanded a union of his party with yours? I ask you, sir, these questions, for you only can answer me in words; you will not do it, nor can I require it, since your conduct is a sufficient reply. But, sir, the arrangements between Mr. Munroe and yourself are of little consequence to the publick; they are minor considerations, whilst the people are overwhelmed with ca lamity, which excites all their anxiety, and by means of a policy, which incurs all their reproach. However honest Mr. Jefferson may have been supposed by his party, in the utmost extravagance of their belief, the most enthu siastick admirer cannot deny that his measures have involved the country in distress, which may terminate in destruction. The pertinacious adherence of the administration to the univer sal exemption of the American merchants' ships from search for deserters, has been the origin of the most serious difficulties which we endure. The principle which they have contended for is neither correct in argument, nor would it be beneficial in practice, even as far as it regards ourselves; and as it certainly would be utterly injurious to Great-Britain to concede it, we ought not to require the concession. Our unaccommodating temper on this subject has evidently produced in the mind of that ministry, a belief that so long as such an administration as that of Mr. Jefferson continues in power, it will be vain to seek an adjustment of differences. Let us consider for a moment the present obstructions to an accommodation with that nation, by mentioning the principles which you have so long been labouring to establish, and those which Great-Britain has determined to enforce. First, we require the universal immunity of the neutral flag, as respects seamen; second, a complete participation in the commerce of one belligerent to the detriment of another: we have issued non-importation acts, we have proclaimed to the world the injustice of Great-Britain, interdicted the approach of her ships towards our harbours; refused to accept of an honourable reparation, for the national indignity we have sustained. Great-Britain, on the contrary, has cut short our claims, in respect to seamen, by her proclamations respecting that subject, and her Orders in Council have closed the discussion on our commercial rights. Our embargo too operates greatly to her advantage, and by the last dispatches from Mr. Pinckney, all hopes from negociation are at an end, while the temper of our ́ administration remains thus hostile. The embargo has defeated our own views which were evidently hostile to Great-Britain; she laughs at its impotency, and is justified in treating us with the most sovereign contempt. Let us see how the account stands, and observe the number of impediments to our accommodation with that power, before, according to our former principles, we can have any commercial arrangement with her. 274.16 First, she must repeal her Orders in Council: Third, she must send another mission to this country, for the purpose of repairing the Chesapeak indignity, and then we will consent to grant her our patronage and support. The objection she makes to these uncommon advantages, are; first of all, your embargo hurts yourselves and is beneficial to us; second, you cannot entirely prevent the introduction of our manufactures in your country; third, you are evidently partial to France; fourth, our Orders in Council cannot be repealed without a virtual acknowledgment, that we cannot maintain the measure against our enemy; fifth, we are determined to maintain our proclamation respecting seamen ; for if our Orders in Council are only to be defended as an act of necessity or retaliation, our right in this case is clear and indisputable; sixth, the negociation on the Chesapeak affair is at an end, until your proclamation respecting our men-of-war shall be rescinded. These difficulties and more are evidently to be removed before we can be again restored to our former chances of success. These are our prospects abroad; and at home they are not less gloomy and foreboding. We have traced your predecessor, from his humble endeav ours to unite contradictory parties, to his mild perseverance in dangerous neutral claims; and from his peremptory threats of hostility on foreign nations, to his exercise of that hostility on the liberties of this people. We see the constitution invaded, and distraction and despair every where increasing; we see force displace opinion, and the sword the argument of philosophy. Under this state of things, it is useless to tell us that concessions to Great-Britain would be evident subjugation; for if such a state of things continue it is of very little consequence whether we are subjugated or not. How then are our distresses to be relieved? Our hopes, sir, rest in you; as it has been one of the earliest actions of your political life, to defend the constitution, we pray it may be the last, that you should preserve it from deterioration. We are told that the first act of your official duty will be to repeal the last embargo bill; we hope it is true, not only for your honour but your safety. You will then reflect, sir, how ridiculous, hateful, and contemptible your predecessor will appear. He completely confounds the arts of op |