the Monitor, and the virulence of Tom Paine, are equally at an end. The man, who was daring enough to assail the divinity of God and the sanctity of the scriptures, wants impudence enough to defend your turpitude. The charge of the Federalists was, that the letter of the British minister had been concealed from the people; the charge was repelled by infamousabuse; and forgery, forgery was the watch word of your party. Even the hired sycophants of your power, could not believe you vile enough for so perfidious a deed. How does it happen then, that the official acknowledgment of the transaction, exceeds the limits of hireling belief. Do your worshippers find out that their god is an evil spirit; or do you think you have already sufficiently succeeded in distressing the country, and are willing to suspend your machinations, and give your successor an equal chance with yourself, to violate the rights of the publick? Whatever are the causes of this silence, when the clearest vindication should have been expected, the effects are as deplorable as your utmost malignity can desire. We are now officially in formed, that the treachery we suspected in our foreign negociations did really exist in the cabinet: we find ourselves reduced to such a state of desperation, through your instrumentality, that all relief is hopeless, but the last resort of despair. But if, like the slave in Morocco, we must give up our life at the signal of a tyrant, we hope, like him to have such presence of mind in our distraction, as first to inflict our vengeance on the despot, and draw this miserable consolation in our calamity, that he also is involved in the same destruction with ourselves.

After all this treachery, we are now to be insulted with excuses about Mr. Pinckney, and nonsensical arguments suggesting the non-reception of the reply to the suppressed letter. This is mockery indeed. What! assign as a reason for governmental treachery, the opposing wishes of an individual, whose credit you had before done your utmost to destroy, by another stretch of power in direct repugnance to those wishes. For shame, for shame; the impotence of the reasoning is too florid for health, it evinces only the hectick of disease. But you say, his answer to Mr. Canning was not received with that minister's communication. Were you perfectly aware of the improbabilities included in this assertion? The government of this country is charged with treachery in a foreign court, and the minister

représenting that government, sends home this charge, without shewing either how it was repelled, or whether it was repelled. No, he dispatched this important letter home, without a single comment: he proved himself utterly unworthy of even a consulship under the little republick of St. Marino; and yet we are insultingly told that in consequence of his wishes, a dispatch containing the most necessary information to our very existence has been suppressed. It cannot be believed for a moment; Mr. Pinckney's answer and Mr. Canning's letter, if they did not arrive at the same instant, had both arrived long before the time, when the cries of the people demanded of the President an explicit avowal or disavowal of the latter. It has now been officially acknowledged to be genuine; and the universal shout of indignation which has succeeded the developement has shaken, the foundation of the capital.

There are three acts to which you have given your sanction, neither of which, had it appeared alone, could in my opinion, have been exceeded in perfidy; but which coming together, and gradually rising upon each other in the scale of infamy, render it doubtful whether you have not yet concealed something more deadly than either; something which may constitute the point of depravity, at which the political mercury freezes, and render all further observation useless, for want of some more potent fluid to determine the yet to be degraded state of your vindictive turpitude. The last Embargo act including intrinsically, and under its mildest aspect, a tyranny of the most dangerous precedent, had hardly been promulgated, when your acknowledgment of the suppression of a publick document of the utmost importance was made known; and at length to shew the greater lengths to which treachery has been extended, the French minister steps forward before all Europe, and acknowledges you to be a faithful ally to that government. The eyes of all the world are now turned in anxious expectation, to the conduct of the United States,and to you sir, in particular,as the President of the union. Recollect then, that though you have betrayed the best interests and the dearest rights of the nation; yet, that repentance is still in your power. Though the ruined merchant, and citizen of the New-England states must forever detest you : yet you may be able to elude the virulence of their exasperated revenge, by a sudden change of measures. The distressed cir

cumstances in which you as well as they are placed, will admit neither of delay nor indecisión. Make amends for the insults and injuries you have heaped upon us, not by formal apologies nor indirect satisfaction; but by a direct conformity to the interests of the nation. Let your Embargo be repealed, your tone of hostility to one, and submission to another belligerent be changed; avow your just rights, but insist not upon unattainable concessions. If, after all this, you should fail in your negociations, be prepared with your power to maintain your independA&t thus, and you oppose a rock to the tide of vengeance, which now threatens destruction to the federal compact: persist in your present measures, and the stream will hurry you into a fate as exemplary and dreadful, as your crimes are numerous and deadly. Let me warn you to change, before it be too late, or if you must preserve the general tenor of your part for the catastrophe of the piece; remember that the justice of the poet must doom you to a punishment, commensurate with the extent of your atrocity. MARCUS BRUTUS.

ence.

EXTRACT

From the REPLY of both branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts to the Lieut. Governour's Speech.

To HIS HONOUR, the Lieutenant-Governour of the COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONour,

"THE appeal to heaven, in the opening of your honour's first address to the Senate and House of Representatives of Massachusetts, so much resembles the arguments of an impostor, as to render us suspicious, that you too might betray us into a snare, by the plausibility of your political cunning, and an affected attachment to every description of party. True religion is evinced by the practice of the christian virtues; but we always suspect the hypocrite, when he begins his career by unlimited professions of zeal, and appeals to God for the integrity of his intentions, instead of proving that integrity by his conduct, But, may it please your honour, you soon afterwards convince us that the appeal in question was only a formal opening to your address, without any meaning whatsoever; for in a following passage of your speech,

you contemplate a quarrel between the several branches of the state government, certainly inconsistent with devotion to the Deity and the messenger of peace and good will. You observe in a very prophetick manner; if instructed by the constitution and law, and sincerely aiming to adhere to their provisions, and to advance the general interest and harmony among the citizens, there should unhappily be a difference of opinion between the different departments of government, as to means or their application, it can be no just cause of uneasiness or distrust among us.'

Now your honour must suffer us to be at issue with you upon this point, since we happen to be acquainted with no juster' cause of uneasiness and distrust' amongst a people, than a difference of opinion' entertained by the different departments of a government; particularly of so determined a nature as to be avowed and contemplated by the Executive, before the question on which it is to occur is brought before the legislative branch; and even before it could be known that any question to come before them could reasonably produce a disagreement. Your honour, however, has the merit of introducing a more compendious system of government; you imply your hostile intentions, not only previous to the passage of an act or resolve, but previous to any knowledge of an intention in the legislature to pass any such act or resolve. While therefore, you contemplate a difference of opinion in the councils of the state government, and imply that that difference will come from yourself, of what use is it to inform us of the advantages which would result could legislators be agreed ;' it rests with you to produce the agreement, and you avow determined opposition.

You however are pleased to inform us soon after, of the ground of this hostility; that the New-England states have been represented to their injury, and to the injury of the United States; as distracted with divisions, prepared for opposition to the authority of the law, and fast ripening for a secession from the union.' If this is the basis on which your subsequent remarks are founded, will it not follow, if we disagree to the facts, that your reasonings are many of them superfluous, and some of them dangerous to the community? Do you presume, sir, that the legislature of Massachusetts are ripening for a scecession from the union? Well may you say that our enemies alone could have made the suggestion; for they have come from persons, associated with your honour in political opinions.

The Legislature of Massachusetts view with equal abhorrence the persons who have insinuated any such sentiments, as belonging to their body, and those who can affect to believe them; and they presume from the inconsistency of many other parts of the first speech of your honour, that you must be infatuated with errour when you undertake to prove the evils of disunion to the nation, that being the only apology for your entertaining so preposterous an idea. We now affirm that these notions

are utterly extravagant, and however we may believe that the present measures of our national governmentare destructive tothe union, byeating into the very bonds which have hitherto united these states, yet it will always be our wish as it will always be our duty, to cling to the national compact as long as it will hold together. But sir, we cannot subscribe to your opinion, that there are stages in respect to governments when 66 an end must be put to debate," since we hold it to be an inhe rent principle in republicanism, that publick measures are always open to the animadversions of the people; and that if it were possible to exclude them from this privilege, the enforcement of the principle would of itself be an introduction of despotism. That experiment has been fully tried, not only in this country, but in Europe. If the govern ment are obliged to you for this intimation in regard to their political disease; they will not be obliged to us for remembering the remedy. You 66 say, it cannot be necessary, nor would it be beneficial, to review in detail the continued aggravated injuries and insults which have been heaped upon us by the warring powers of Europe." This a pas sage beyond our comprehension in every respect: it is not easily com prehensible, because we are unacquainted with the continued aggravated injuries and insults which you allude to as being perfectly familiar to us; and still less can we comprehend why, if such continued injuries and insults have occurred since our countervailing measures, we should be obliged to resort to 'able and repeated discussions,' which you only refer to in a vague and indeterminate manner, and to publick documents, which, to say the least are not the proper organs of commu nication to this legislature.

You observe that a government like the present is so safe, so reasonable, so beyond every thing else essential to the liberty and happiness of our citizens,' and so a great many other things to their advantage, that its hazard or interruption, cannot be contemplated but with distress. You express our grievances in the language of the most zealous methodist; we are pressed, you affirm, by acts of insolence, rapine and plunder, to the very wall; we have been smote on one cheek by foreign nations, and our Embargo has fairly turned them the other; we have acted up fully to the christian system of forbearance, and it is therefore to be hoped, that we shall not complain, if after all, we try in the modestly warlike language of our virtuous President," which can do the other the most harm." We have sunk, you seem to intimate, to the lowest point of national degradation; a point below which we cannot sink and here we do not disagree with you, especially as we unite in believing the truth, of your particular references, as well as the general assertion. We have indeed, not only approached, but arrived at the period when we have "surrendered our honour, property, and the power of self-government." We have reached a point of de