SCENE-the Abbey Gate, with Ditches, Drawbridges and Spikes.TIME-about an hour before sun rise.-The Conspirators appear as if in ambuscade, whispering, and consulting together, in expectation of the Signal for attack.-The WAITER is habited as a Knight Templar, in the dress of his Order, with the Cross on his breast, and the Scallop on his shoulder.--PUDDINGFELD and BEEFINGTON armed with Blunderbusses and Pocket-pistols; the GRENADIERS in thier proper Uniforms.-The TROUBADOUR, with his attendant MINSTRELS, bring up the rear -Martial Musick-The Conspirators come forward, and present themselves before the Gate of the Abbey.— Alarum-Firing of Pistols-The Convent appear in Arms upon the walls -The Drawbridge is let down-A Body of Choristres and Laybrothers attempt a sally, but are beaten back, and the Verger killed.The Beseiged attempt to raise the Drawbridge-PUDDINGFIELD and BEEFINGTON press forward with alacrity, throw themselves upon the Drawbridge, and, by the exertion of their weight, preserve it in a state of depression-The other Besiegers join them, and attempt to force: the entrance, but without effect.-PUDDINGFELD makes the signal for the Battering Ram.-Enter QUINTUS CURTIUS and MARCUS CURIUS DENTATUS, in their proper Military Habits, preceded by the Roman Eagle-The rest of their Legion are employed in bringing forward a Battering Ram, which plays for a few minutes to slow time, till the entrance is forced.-After a short resistance, the Besiegers rush in, with shouts of Victory.

Scene changes to the interiour of the Abbey.-The Inhabitants of the Convent are seen flying in all directions. (PRIOR is brought forward between two Grenadiers.)

The COUNT of WEIMAR, who had been found feasting in the Refectory.

is brought in manacled. He appears transported with rage, and gnaws his chains. The PRIOR remains insensible, as if stupified with grief. BEEFINGTON takes the keys of the Dungeon, which are hanging at the PRIOR's girdle, and makes a sign for them both to be led way into confinement-Exeunt PRIOR and COUNT, properly guard ed. The rest of the Conspirators disperse in search of the Dungeon where ROGERO is confined.

END OF ACT THE FOURTH.

POLITICAL.

Why yes, I would be heard,

Mere talkers now, not writers are prefer'd;

Look at that paper.

A while to war with dunces, fools and knaves,
Hirelings of state, or opposition's slaves:

None shall fair virtue's stately pride deface;

The snake winds harmless round the marble base.'

POLITICAL FALSEHOODS.

Pur. Lit.

IT is considered by the democrats the wisest part they can perform, to leave extolling the coercive effects of the embargo laws, upon foreign nations, since experience and reason have long ago tested their futility. The points of attack, to which they now resort, are in every respect as destitute of truth, as their defence of the embargo was of either efficacy or force. Speaking of the Federalists, a writer in the last Chronicle advances nine or ten falsehoods, with as much impudence and effrontery, as if he really believed they rested on any semblance of truth.

From the first moment that England began her aggressions they have been unwearied in their endeavours to palsy every measure adopted by the American government to obtain redress and in encouraging the English to continue their outrages." Chronicle, May 18, 1809.

The first aggressions of England were seizures and condemnations of property under the rule of war of '56,' and the principles of this rule we will venture to assert have been more systematically, ably, and effectually opposed by the federalists, than by the clamorous nonsense of all the democratick philippicks. There has hardly been any real argument advanced upon the subject by any of the democratick party, except Mr. Madison, and he gave up at the outset the very point that ought to have been most sedulously maintained. So far, then, as the arguments of the federalists have supported those of Mr. Jefferson's administration on the subject of the colonial trade (and Mr. Madison included Mr. Gore's argument in his despatches to Mr. Munroe, upon that question) in the negociations with Great-Britain, the assertion made in the Chronicle is false.

When the American government refused to accept redress, the federalists opposed a policy, the consequences of which have been, that after a year and a half of unexampled distress, we are in a situation not near so favourable as that in which we were placed three years ago.Though the British Orders in Council are repealed, they exist in effect; whilst at that time our commerce was unshackled by coercion, or unlimited by decrees. What then has our boasted wisdom ef

fected which might not have been done long before without dishonour, by the substitution of a different policy?

Where are the advantages which the existence of the old British treaty secured to us? They have been so neglected by our political wisdom, as to be allowed to cease; and we shall think ourselves very fortunate, if after seven years tedious negociation, we can obtain the same advantageous terms of connexion which the wisdom of our rulers had indignantly rejected. So much has the wounderful ability of Mr. Jefferson's administration been displayed, that the Chesapeak proclamation, the embargo and non-intercourse acts, the neglect of the old treaty and the rejection of the new, will probably at the end of another year have proved so very effectual, that our commerce will be about one half as extensive and profitable as it was three years ago!

'They have applauded the murder of our seamen, and prayed for war as fervently as a farmer would pray for rain.' Chronicle, May 18, 1809,

War with whom? If England, the assertion is disproved by all the federal papers. If France, the war policy has not been generally adopted; but this has been the idea, if the United States were compelled to choose in such a crisis as this, war with France rather than England ought to be preferred. As to the presumed applause given to the Chesapeak attack by the federalists, the writer knew the assertion to be false at the time he penned the paragraph.

They have advocated British taxation;
They have approved of British licences;

They have applauded the impressment of American seamen on board British ships of war, Chronicle, May 18,

If we understand the Chronicle in regard to what they denominate British taxation and British licences, the assertion made above is absolutely false. If they mean the taxation and licence implied in the Orders in Council, it is very well understood, that the federalists uniformly have been opposed to those Orders. If in point of principle, they now contend against the rule which prohibits neutrals from the enjoyment of any trade in time of war, from which they were debarred in time of peace,' how much more strongly must they be opposed to the doctrine of the Orders in Council, which implied all which the rule of war of 1756 contained, and other principles a great deal more pernicious, both in the abstract and in the practical effect. On the contrary, if the Chronicle intends by the terms taxation and licence to convey any other meaning than that to which we have just alluded, we defy them to produce the instances in which the federalists have approved the one, or vindicated the other.

As to the assertion that the federalists have applauded the impressment of American seamen,' it is so far from true that the federalists by

such an approval would go even beyond the point the British aim at obtaining. They not only do not want to impress Americans, but a provision was made in the last treaty, rejected by Mr. Jefferson, stipulating that all commanders of privateers before they receive their commissions, shall, with two sureties, be jointly and severally bound in the sum of two thousand pounds sterling; or if such privateer be provided with above one hundred and fifty seamen or soldiers in the sum of four thousand pounds sterling, to satisfy all damages and injuries which the said privateer, their officers or men may do or commit, in searching of merchant ships.

An arrangement could always have been made with the British government to exempt Americans from impressment; it is ridiculous to say the federalists are in favour of such impressment, since they, more likely than the other party, would first become the victims of their own temerity and fool-hardy opinions.

They have formed a northern confederacy, consisting of choice spirits from various parts of New-England, Canada, Nova-Scotia, New-Brunswick, Quebeck, &c. with intention to separate the northern states from the American union; and

་

They have attempted to scatter far and wide the firebrands of discord, by exciting the people to oppose the laws, arm themselves against government, and distract the country with the horrors of civil war.'

Chronicle, May 18.

The frequent occasions we have taken to charge the Chronicle with falsehoods and misrepresentations, seems not in the least to dampen the fire of invention with which the faculties of its writers appear so ardently burning. They have a noble disdain of reputation; and the silence they have preserved, since the charges which we have made cannot be very easily refuted, has been imposed by a necessity, as imperious as it is disgraceful. The lies which, we are now considering, had their commencement in that paper, and are too gross to be adopted by the more cautious editor of the Patriot. The Chronicle must beware of relying too much upon the infamy of its name, for extending its circulation, since there is a point of corruption which will nauseate the senses of the most depraved political demagogue. The Patriot, by the subtilty of its deportment, by conferring a degree of plausibility upon its statements, we apprehend, will soon come to supercede the use of a paper replete with lies of such unblushing effrontery, and misrepresentations of such daring hardihood, as are ranged in the Chronicle. We anticipate the period of its mental decease; it has already sunk into miserable decrepitude, and when its time arrives we have no doubt the hostile efforts of its expiring malignity will be like those of the frenzied Condorcet, to spit with spiteful yenom at heaven, and denounce its authority and justice.

The idea of a northern confederacy is so absurd in its very nature, the pretended objects of it are so improbable, and the agents destined to act in it so uncongenial, that no writer but the ostensible editor of the Chronicle, could for a moment admit the hypothesis. We should suppose the modesty of the Patriot editor would become alarmed at the dangers attending such monstrous fabrications, and would consider it a paramount duty to oppose his mountainous authority to the current of such nonsensical delusions.

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

IT is a melancholy reflection that the efforts of the democratick party; the peculiar pretensions of which has always been to economise the publick expenditures, should have forced the federalists to enlarge the number of representatives in the Legislature of this state, in order to preserve their rights and maintain their influence. The democrats wished, undoubtedly, to extend their own numbers to the remotest verge of right, and now that they are defeated in their scheme of offence, are denouncing Boston for the number of members which she has chosen to represent her. There appears to be no reason why the political influence of the capital should not be preserved and enforced as well as that of any country village. Unless some scheme of general and equal reduction of the numbers of representatives be adopted, the only safe policy for the federalists will be to choose their full number. Otherwise a state decidedly federal in its politicks, might have a democratick ascendancy in the House of Representatives; the people would not be justly represented, and the very objects of a republican representation would thereby be defeated. Nothing can therefore be more absurd than the arguments of the democrats, as to the preponderating influence of Boston. Let them agree to reduce their numbers in every town in the state, and Boston will set an unparalleled example to the federal towns. So long, however, as the aim of the hosilities of the jacobins, is not the publick good, but only to harass and annoy their adversaries, it becomes the imperious and commanding duty of the federalists to exert their utmost energy in counteracting their machinations.

The absurdity of our representative scheme will be rendered apparent, if we contemplate for a moment an accession of population of three times our present number of inhabitants. On this supposition we might have a House of Representatives of more than EIGHTEEN HUNDRED MEMBERS; a political monster, which would destroy the very fabrick of government. When the whole of the provinces of ·France sent five hundred members to their council, it was universally denominated a' many headed monster,' and the tyranny of its power