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position or debate. The mistake arose from false information, received on the day of publication. But yet we hold to the truth of all the rest of the observations contained in the article. That the report was greatly deficient in energy, and that every thing is expected from the legislature of this commonwealth, which can reasonably be hoped from talents and wisdom, joined to virtue and principle, is our most firm and unequivocal belief. It is on this spot where we are to look for that systematick, constitutional opposition, which it will be vain to seek elsewhere; the legislature is destined we believe, to rescue our country from destruction; at least, if the nation is to be saved, we think this great result can only be produced by the operation of all the talents, all the resources, all the energy, and all the virtue of Massachusetts.

LIES.

"THE principles of the embargo, and the policy upon which it was entered into, have undergone no change whatever.' Aurora.

This is bare-faced enough. The argument of precaution is now ended, even by the advocates of the administration in Congress ; and surely the last embargo act is, to say the least, an extension of the violation which the constitution received in the first bill.

'Not a port is open now that was not open twelve months ago.'

Aurora.

Where are the ports of Portugal and Spain, and all the dependencies of those nations?

'A traitor in the senate house dares to invite a section of the union to treasonable resistance. Aurora.

Let the author of this calumny step forward to produce a single proof in justification of so vile an assertion. There is not the slightest shadow of evidence, that any member of the senate has hinted at the propriety of popular resistance to these laws; much less to treasonable resistance. And as to the word traitor, let it recoil upon the coiner; it does not deserve refutation.

I'A faction, a contemptible, pitiful, despicable faction, echoes this treasonable purpose; and the gold and the emissaries of England are beheld violating the law.

2 Their ministers holding out proclamations to violate the law, and proclaiming an indemnity for all who shall violate our laws.

3 Seditious town-meetings are set on foot in different states, and subscriptions are opened to hire bravos by the day, to oppose the voice of the people, and to substitute the voice of this hired mob for the voice of the people.

Collectors are prevailed upon to resign their offices.

5 The people are invited to resist the laws.'

Aurora..

Of these five lies it is not necessary to say much; the author knew

them to be such, at the moment he penned them. Where has the law been violated, in the peculiar phraseology of the Aurora, by the gold and emissaries of England? Positively, nowhere: the charge is ridiculous, both in terms and fact.

It is sufficient to say, the ministers of England do not proclaim an indemnity for all who should violate our laws,' but if they did, what has that to do with the embargo policy?

'Seditious town-meetings, hired bravoes,' and ' hired mobs!' Such terms come very ungracefully from the pen of one, who has himself been a hired bravo, to assassinate principle and virtue. Though they are consistent enough with his character; for they all come regularly under the head of the present article.

We challenge the editor of the Aurora, to produce his instances where any collectors have been prevailed upon to resign their offices. The charge is false, and so is the last insinuation, that the people are invited to resist the laws.

MISTAKES.

"Perhaps the annals of legislation do not afford an example of a vote so extraordinary, as that of the raising of the embargo, in the house of representatives, on the third instant.'

Aurora.

There is one exception, at least, to be made to the assertion, and then, we will agree to the fact, though by no means to the conclusions to which it has led the author; we mean the precipitation with which the original embargo measure was carried through Congress.

We have never, on great publick questions, suffered individual interest to withhold great and necessary truths.'-Aurora. This mistake it is useless to make more plain than it is already.

TRUTHS, from the same article.

"In this state of things, so little are these men in congress fitted for their stations, that

All law is forgotten-

National rights are overlooked

National shame is not considered-'

All this is positively true; which is the more remarkable, as it is dis- ́ covered in a column of lies, mistakes and misrepresentations, equally numerous, malignant, and shameful.

BON MOT.

A gentleman lately observing some of Mr. Jefferson's amphibious animals, the dismounted dragoons, employed in rowing the castle barge on 'the full tide of successful experiment,' remarked, that he had often beard of a HORSE-MARINE, but never saw one before.

THE

ORDEA L.

No. 8.1 SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1809. [Vol. 1.

MEETING of the FRIENDS to the EMBARGO AND

COMPULSION.

Concluded from Page 108.

-

AFTER Mr. A- the crier, had closed, the Hon. Mr. K~~~ called to order; he said there was no motion before the meeting although his friend Mr. A――n had kindly undertaken to second any one which might be made. He said that he was acquainted with no better method in this dilemma, than to make a motion himself. He then took a paper from his pocket containing a string of resolves' ready cut and dried,' which he begged leave first to read, and then he said he intended to move for their adoption.

'WHEREAS STALL-FED BEASTS, enjoying sense and sensation without sentiment,' are best calculated for food, and the national government for laying the last embargo law is entitled to the richest proof of our esteem and support; and WHEREAS this land in consequence of the operation of the laws, is now 'flowing with milk and honey;' and at the most stupendous fabrick of human invention,'* the natural aspect of the country invites us, in a style superiour,' to support in our most effectual manner, our 'constitution,' and the 'power of self government; therefore, Resolved, in the first place, that we, a' Host of citizens, from various parts of this commonwealth,' will evince our support to the administration, by dining at the Exchange Hotel, kept by Mr. Hamilton, on the fourth day of March next.

Resolved, that James Madison has been chosen President of the United States [three times three cheers] for the four years next afterwards ensuing; and that he will pronounce his inaugural address on that day in Washington.

Resolved, that a committee of ten be appointed to compose appropriate toasts for the occasion, and that the RESOLUTIONS of the COUNTY OF NORFOLK, the PLYMOUTH REPUBLICAN MEMORIAL, and his honour the LIEUT. GOVERNOR's inimitable SPEECH, be respectfully recommended, to supply them with metaphorical allusions and illustrations. [tumultuous applause.]

* We presume the author here alludes to the Exchange Hotel. Vol. 1.

P

Resolved, that a committee be appointed to consult with our brethren of Norfolk, relative to the best stall-fed beasts, which can be had for the glorious occasion, and that Mr. Hamilton, as master of the Hotel, shall be one of the committee. [Applause.]

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Resolved, that the genuine spirit of 76, will then have been exalted to its highest proof;' and that we shall then have made use of every kind of provision for the support of our constitution, and exercised all our restrictive energies, in convincing the Federalists that we have the 'power of self government.'

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These resolves, sir, said Mr. K— I hold to be perfectly appropriate, at this here time. By this vote, sir, we convince goverment, without entering into long arguments which only afford materials of ridicule and refutation to the Federalists, in the most decided terms, that we are pleased with the embargo laws.

Ist. Because when men meet together in convivial parties, it is a proof they are pleased.

2d. Because the act of eating is a sure way of putting an end to argument, and must be quite as convincing to our rulers, as the reasonings of the various memorials, resolves and remonstrances which have been presented to Mr. Jefferson, and the legislature of this state. [Hear him, bear him!]

By this vote, I say, sir, said Mr. K——, we declare the embargo laws to be constitutional, necessary and expedient; that our ships are not rotting in our ports; that manufactures and agriculture are the support of the revenue; that the suppression of the publick documents was 'fair open and above board,' that the rejection of the British treaty by Mr. Jefferson, was just and proper; and that there is no partiality in our administration towards France. This vote, sir, declares, that a naval establishment is not congenial to the feelings of this people; that an attempt to rival the oceanick establishments of Europe, would be ridiculous, and in the first moments of collision the infant fleets of America would be COPENHAGENED by the gigantick armaments of England; [rapturous expressions of approbation,] that Great-Britain forces into her service, the freemen of the world, and makes them slaves; that the coercion of the embargo would have had complete effect, if it were not for our internal dissensions; that we are now a united people, and therefore it is soon to have a fair operation; that the Federalists are a junto and not Americans; that Mr. A- has not grown fat; that the office of Mr. B-, is a trouble to him; that Mr. G-—, the first merchant in New-England, is not making money by the embargo; [great applause] that I acted with good faith towards Mr. W - of Wiscasset; that British gold and old tories are the only opposers of government. All this and a great deal more is declared by this vote; every thing which the present administration have done, and every thing which the new president intends to do, will be approved by it

and every thing which the Federalists do or say is denounced: now, sir, as this is our most effectual weapon of defence, said Mr. Kdepriving our adversaries of the materials for reply, I move you, sir, that the RESOLVES I have just read, may be adopted.

Mr. Bof Worcester, rose, he said, to speak to the motion; but a young Federalist from one corner of the room, who we suppose went there for no other purpose, than to fleer and scoff,' asked the chairman, if the motion had been duly seconded, for his part he could not perceive the intention of Mr. A, to be considered as having seconded any motion which any gentleman might make, was in any respect in order; it might very well, he said, consist with the gentleman's ideas of propriety, but it did not accord with his own. 'Second the motion! second the motion !' immediately resounded from all parts of the meeting; the young man however, so far from being abashed, seemed highly delighted at contemplating the confusion of which he was himself the principal occasion. But he soon repented of his folly, for with a frown the venerable Mr. A rose, and remarked that he perceived an intention in some persons in the assembly, [raising his voice] whom he supposed to be old tories or British agents, [thunders of applause]® who had come there with an intention to misinterpret or misrepresent the object of the meeting. The person who was last up, he had no knowledge of; but he was sure he was no American, from the opposition which he had made to the customary mode of proceeding, he must therefore be an alien, and deserved to be tarred and feathered, and driven from all civilized asemblies. He now perceived, however, that the young man had departed, and he therefore would spare further remark. Mr. B-gs then rose and observed, that as the motion was now regularly before the meeting, he should make a few remarks in favour of adopting the RESOLVES: and he thought if he spoke in favour of the last embargo law, and proved its constitutionality; that he should by that means show the necessity of eating dinner on the fourth of March; since it could not be proper to eat, drink and be merry on that occasion, unless they were satisfied of being right in supporting, measures, which it was the avowed purpose of that dinner to approve. He said that he must admit this law did impair some rights secured to us by the constitution; but that yet the law was not unconstitutional ; for, said he, is not the elective franchise still secure? Let our other rights be invaded if you please, provided our elective franchise is secure, there is no danger; the constitution is not hurt.* Besides, sir, can any one in this room suppose that a Jefferson, the god of the republicans, would'

* We perfectly well recollect hearing the honourable member from Worcester make use of this argument in the house of representatives, and so attached did he appear to it, that he repeated it more than six times, in as many

minutes.

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