position, by relieving them from the necessity of proving the turpitude and impolicy of the measure; since he admits them by the act of repeal. How the popularity of such a ruler can continue for a moment, appears to me equally dishonourable and unaccountable. If wisdom and virtue are requisite qualities for our rulers, how can the people admire such a man as Mr. Jefferson, in whom, by this very act, they can discover nothing but a complete destitution of both? It can only be reconciled by manifest confusion of ideas, and the grossest perversion of language; for it supposes the people can believe a thing true, after it is prov.. ed to be false; and a statesman wise, after his own admission has pronounced him a blockhead.

To you, sir, we look up for succour in despair; for we hope your predecessor will be disappointed in your character. He, no doubt, looked around him for a man fit to succeed him in ruining the country. He had seen the benign influence of the sunshine of Washington's virtues daily increase the publick presperity and happiness. The gristle and nerve of Mr. Adams was a happy succession; but our happiness has been blighted under the baleful shadow of Mr. Jefferson's policy. He doubtless expects to find you a man prostituted to his views, too servile to resist or to oppose them. He presumes that you will follow a course of danger from which, though he has escaped with life, yet he thinks you will not be so successful; but that either his favourite project of annihilating the extensive commerce of this country must be effected, or his successor must perish in attempting to enforce it. You will enrage him with disappointment, by relieving the desponding hopes of the people; and you will pursue measures calculated to diffuse peace and prosperity throughout the country, even if you drive your predecessor to commit suicide at the disappointment of his ambition.

MARCUS BRUTUS.

MR. BUCKMINSTER'S SERMON.

THE following review was communicated by a correspondent: the principle which it reprobates, of concealing the failings of the dead, because they can no longer suffer by the detection, is manifestly unjust, when applied to publick characters. They are in some degree the

property of the publick, and it is but reasonable, that a proper and judicious estimate should be made of the value of their services; and that. value will not be accurately determined unless the motives to their actions are considered. Besides, indiscriminate panegyrick on publick men, merely because they happen to die in office, has a direct tendency to confound right and wrong. If Mr. Jefferson were now to yield up his life, either naturally or not, would it not be highly unjust and dishonourable for the Federal papers to go into mourning, and insert long an tedious panegyricks on the sincerity of his heart, the clearness of his head, and the practical utility of his measures, when such editors could not but be sensible that it has been difficult to determine, for which of the opposites of those qualities he has been most distinguished; whether for the duplicity of his disposition, the blindness of his reasoning, or the visionary absurdity, of his political schemes?

How far the sermon of Mr. Buckminster is chargeable with the predominant fault ascribed to it, we cannot determine, for we have never perused it. At any rate, if any person is offended by the review, the pages of the Ordeal are open to his objections. EDITORS.

REVIEW

Of a Sermon preached at the Church in Brattle-Street, Boston, Decem ber 18th, 1808, the Lord's day after the publick funeral of bis Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Governour of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. By JOSEPH S. BUCKMINSTER, Minister of the Society in Brattle-Street.

Rom. xiv. 7. For none of us liveth to himself, and no man dieth to himself.

OUR intention in noticing this sermon is not so much for the purpose of reviewing its style, as the panegyrick it contains on our late Governour. We think the mischief to society incalculable from the adoption of the sentiment that it is an act of piety to hide the faults and failings of our friends, when they can no longer suffer by the detection.

That this sentiment is now fast gaining ground in the publick mind is too evident from the fulsome and uniform encomiums with which every character is adorned, that is obtruded on our attention through the medium of gazettes. But we did believe that this prostitution of truth had not obtained in the more solemn and grave compositions of the pulpit; that a minister of Jesus would not, from personal friendship, permit his fear, his gratitude, or his tenderness, to overpower biş fidelity, and tempt him to conceal if not to invent.

We need not express our astonishment at the sad reverse this sermon presented, nor the feelings of pity and indignation that alternately bore sway over our minds at its perusal. And we should have spared ourselves these observations, and have believed that the judgment of our reverend author was the dupe of his heart, had he

been content to have held up to our view the history only of our late Governour. But when we found Mr. B. attempting to steal a march on our understandings, by more than once deprecating the idea, that he stood in his pulpit to praise the dead, or flatter the living, we could not refrain our marked disapprobation of an attempt at deception in a mode so far beneath his character. For he, who thus endeavours to gain credence, ought to be considered the common enemy of mankind; like the pirate, who holds out false colours with the same view.

It has been regretted that biography has been allotted to writers very little acquainted with the nature of their task; and on no occasion could it have been more deeply regretted, than the solemn one on which our author discoursed. The legitimate object of biography must be to encourage virtue, by presenting to its view eminent examples of excellence for imitation; and to repress vice, by shewing its hideous and deformed features, in the characters of the abandoned and depraved. It is therefore generally conceded, that characters which can not afford striking illustrations of either extreme, it is worse than useless to portray. And as from the life of Governour Sullivan a copy of neither could be produced, we remain at a loss for the necessity of this unsolicited biography. Perhaps our author may plead custom for his defence; yet custom ought not to sanction errour. But we forbear seeking the motive that led to this eulogy, when the undeserved panegyr, ick itself ought to be the subject of our animadversion.

We willingly allow Mr. B. the merit of illustrating his text, in general, in a spirited and lively manner; and even yield to him the propriety of comparing the mind of his Excelleny to a forest which had never been entirely cleared. As to the rest of this encomiastick piece, it is ut. terly impossible to discover throughout it any thing but fiction.

The whole life of Governour Sullivan contradicts the assertion, that he did not live unto himself alone. Personal aggrandizement was his constant aim; and by one of those unaccountable freaks of fortune, and fluctuations of popular opinion, which now and then occur in the affairs of this world, he obtained the chief magistracy of the commonwealth.

Qualis ex humili magna ad fastigia rerum,
Extollit, quoties voluit fortuna jocari.

JUVENAL, Sat. 3.

His conduct as a politician was so changeable, as to make him by turns the jest and scorn of all parties; and in his deportment as a man, the irritability of his temper, and irreconcilable enmity of his character gave universal disgust. In short, we refrain detailing what has already become too stale for a newspaper. And whether we view our late governour as a scholar, a lawyer, or a statesman, we shall find him throughout, excessively ignorant, incorrect, and versatile. As a summary of what is a true description of the man, it may be said that his

mind dwelt upon nothing long; it grasped more than it could contain, and in flitting over the surface, it drew in but shallow draughts from the fountains of science.

We conclude this notice, with recalling to the recollection of our reverend author, for his future guidance, an axiom of uncommon excellence, that if we owe regard to the memory of the dead, there is yet more respect to be paid to knowledge, to virtue, and to truth.

MEETING of the FRIENDS to the EMBARGO AND COMPULSION.

[The friends of the administration, it was presumed by the Federalists, would have been driven from all hope of defending their measures, since the passing of the last embargo bill; but the following Chronicle account anticipated, will convince us that they adhere to their former principles, and defend the cause of Mr. Jefferson as stoutly as ever.]

THE friends of the administration, taking into their most wise consideration, that the federal opposition to the measures of government threatened no less than to ravage our land with havock, rebellion and murder,' conceived that nothing could absolve them from the curses of indignant posterity biting their chains and breaking their teeth in slavery,' but a meeting at this most eventful crisis, expressing the sense of their assembly. They saw with concern, among some sections of the northern states, many the dupes of delusion, without enquiry for themselves, but compelled by crafty orders, or professions aiming to seize the reigns, seem determined to crush the glorious fabrick ;' and therefore, the GREEN-DRAGON tavern, at 7 o'clock, one evening last week, found them all assembled, in numbers few but terrible in virtue, in the largest room of that renowned resort. The gentlemen who attended were democrats of the first water; gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives of this State, as well as gentlemen inhabitants of this respectable town, so celebrated for salt-fish and civil fury. After several observations from one of the party, Mr. nominated the Honourable Mr. D, as moderator; he was chosen by a hand vote, although there were some objections whispered, that he lived out of town, and that as one of their own orators in a late town meeting, had publickly desired all country gentlemen to withdraw from that assembly, it would be very inconsistent not only to let such a person wote along with them now, but choose him chairman too. The objection however was silenced almost as soon as made, and Mr. D- opened the meeting. After looking round benignantly for approbation upon the spectators, as is his common custom in the Senate, he smiling, simpered out the following harangue :

Fellow citizens! You all know as well as I do, the object of this meeting; we come here to say to the government, that we believe the embargo to be a good measure, that we have no doubt foreign nations think so; and that besides, if it continue a few years longer, there will be no oppression in it. We have met here to say that the last embargo bill is constitutional in all its provisions; and that if it isn't, it was dictated by necessity: besides, I always said that government had a rod in pickle for the Federals. We are, I presume prepared to say, that the suppression of Mr. Canning's letter, was conformable to the republican spirit of telling the people all; that the President is not under. French influence, and that the Federals are a parcel of impudent, inveterate fellows, that do not deserve no confidence among the republicans. I say, gentlemen, that we must come forerd at this time, to say all this, whatever our real opinions may be. For my own part, I do not believe that the embargo has any-but the least said is soonest mended; so gentlemen please to express your minds on this occasion. [Loud applauses !]

Mr. D- after this luminous introduction, which we consider to have been in his very best style, both as to manner and matter, sat down, amidst applauses equally loud and well deserved.

After a few moments of modest suspence, that celebrated patriot and injured man, Mr. A——, addressed the assembly. He began by observing that the eloquence of the chairman had very truly unfolded the intentions of the meeting; that the opinions of the honourable gentleman were perfectly congenial to his. Do we not, said he, see the town completely ruled by British agents and British gold; are they not exciting the people to rebellion and murder, against an administration the most virtuous, patriotick and magnanimous that ever was seen upon the face of the earth? An administration headed by a Jefferson, a patriot without spot or blemish, who, like Cincinnatus and Washington, is now retiring to his farm; loaded, sir, not with British gold and tory adulation, but with the benedictions of all good republicans. It has been said, sir, that I hold a fat office under this administration, and that therefore I have an interest in supporting it. Sir, on this topick, said Mr. A-, as I see the floor 'paved with faces,' I shall beg leave to observe, that I disclaim such sinister designs; I hold a fat office ! look at me, sir; do I appear as if any office had fattened me ; do I appear like the blood-sucker of the people? No, sir, I hope you will exonerate me, and I hope my fellow citizens, who may hear me, will exonerate me from so foul and false an imputation. [Loud and violent applauses.] I, sir, have suffered for my politicks; but I have been in hot water too long now, sir, to mind a little scalding. I am asked to join the party of British agents who are opposed to our virtuous and patriotick administration, who are doing all they can to render it ridiculous in the eyes of foreign nations; as if the measures of government Vol. 1.