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versity-He waited upon the curators, complaining that certain persons, who were especially qualified for such a work, were tolerated in agitating and spreading through the university new and dangerous doctrines; and that this attempt was made through the medium of the public disputations and in private companies: adding at the same time, that the parties so engaged were distinguished with such capabilities, that he was fully persuaded that more suitable instruments for effecting such an object could not have been selected. This statement he meant to apply to Episcopius, of whom he did not scruple to say on another occasion, while seated at the table of a friend when several professors were present, "that in point of force of mind and argumentative powers, he was fully satisfied that Arminius was a mere child to him!" In consequence of these representations several of the students were summoned before the honourable curators, under pretence of being examined on certain charges of misdemeanour which were to be alleged against them. But when they came into their presence, instead of such charges being advanced, they were required to take an oath faithfully to answer and not divulge the questions about to be proposed to them. This being done, they were asked, "if they were not aware that certain errors had been broached and were spreading through the university; and whether some of the more learned students had not mixed in their company, and under the pretence of social intercourse, introduced certain doctrines as subjects of conversation, with the design of questioning their truth, while others of a difficult and mysterious character were proposed to be illustrated and explained?" And when they one and all answered, "that certainly nothing of this kind had ever happened to them," they were then farther asked, "if they had not heard that such was the case?" to which they again replied, "Certainly not." The curators, however, asserted that they had been given to understand, by eminent and credible persons, that such was the fact. Failing in their attempts to elicit any thing that might confirm the suspicions which had been excited, they then inquired, "if they were not present at the disputation on justification, and if so, whether they had not remarked that very strong opposition had been

made to the usually received mode of presenting that doctrine?" To this they replied in the affirmative. Being then asked, "if they had not heard the name of Calvin slandered and treated with contumely ?" they answered, "Certainly not." The curators, however, said that they had heard that such was the practice of some persons, and they solemnly forbade every thing of the kind; declaring, at the same time, that they were fully determined, to the utmost of their power, to maintain the opinions of Calvin, and charged them at their peril to speak disrespectfully either of his name or doctrines. Many other questions of a similar kind were proposed to them, but in consequence of the oath they had taken, Episcopius was kept in perfect ignorance of them, as also of the above, for a length of time; till some of the students found it difficult, as is usual in such cases, to keep a secret, and let out the particulars stated, by which means he was made acquainted with them.

In closing this chapter we deem it right to offer a few remarks on the manner in which certain writers have commented on the circumstance of Episcopius' disputing with this professor, making it a matter of serious complaint against him. Of the excellency of his moral conduct and religious character, none have dared to whisper even the slightest doubt; but by some Dutch writers he has been charged as a rash, hot-headed, imprudent young man, a statement which has been carelessly repeated by the English and other biographical writers. What degree of truth there may be in this allegation we shall not attempt to say, but we cannot help believing that it was his talents and boldness which were more offensive to Sibrandus and his friends, than the mere circumstance of his taking part in the disputation. Had he been, indeed, a rash, wordy, young man, who had laid himself and his system open to attack in a way that would have secured victory to Sibrandus, not a word had been uttered as to his imprudence or rashness in disputing with this professor, either by him or the admirers of his doctrine. And supposing that it be admitted, that it would have been more prudent in him to have followed the counsel of Arminius on leaving Leyden, and that of Antonides on his arrival at Franeker, not to take part in any of the disputations of the university, yet

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let the reader glance at the circumstances of the case, and then he will be disposed not to view the conduct of Episcopius in that light in which it has been frequently represented by such writers. In doing this, he ought to bear in mind the following circumstances, namely, that the thesis of Sibrandus was placarded on the doors of the college, in the way of challenge to any one who might choose to appear as a combatant; the manner in which Episcopius was beset shortly after his arrival at the university; the report of penal measures being about to be adopted against him; the loud and unappeasable calls from various persons in the assembly, which all but demanded that he should take part in the discussion; the ardent feelings of a young man just entering the path of fame, of whose talents much had been said, and from whom much was expected; and then, if the consideration of these circumstances will not justify him in the opinion of the reader, yet if he be distinguished with a candid and generous mind, it will not only prevent him from being severe in his judgment upon him for entering the lists in the first instance as a disputant against this professor, but also when he recollects that in so doing Episcopius had acquired great praise for the mental power and scholarship he had displayed, the commanding effects of which fixed ́upon him the attention of the whole university, and the greater part of the citizens; and that urged by the consciousness of his own capabilities in carrying defeat against his opponent, with the certainty of sharing the applause attendant upon future victories, he was induced to continue to debate, the reader, we think, will view these circumstances as palliatives, unless he profess to be a rigid moralist, who may pronounce our young disputant defective on the ground of the motives on which he acted, not being of the most lofty and excellent order. But suppose we concede this, which will only be allowed on the ground of being permitted to compare them with those by which Sibrandus was governed when seeking to ruin his suc cessful antagonist, and then we will put it to the unbiassed feelings of such a man to say, whether Episcopius will not stand before him in a less dishonourable and discreditable point of view, than must appear the character and conduct of this professor.

CHAPTER IV.

BEFORE we proceed to the principal subject of this chapter, the call of Episcopius to the ministry, it will be necessary to direct the attention of the reader to the political and ecclesiastical affairs of the Low Countries, as they existed somewhat before and at the period this event took place, in order to mark one of the causes of that opposition which was made by certain parties to his being set apart to the sacred office. The thirty years' war, which the Dutch people waged with the power of Spain, in defence of civil and religious liberty, and which their indomitable spirit and patient endurance brought to such a glorious issue, did not occasion an extraordinary change in the political institutions of this people, though it induced a new order of things in relation to the Church. The civil liberty and institutions, which the despotic spirit of Philip designed to destroy, the people of the Netherlands had long enjoyed; and so jealous were they of any encroachment upon them, that though the dignity and authority of their counts were hereditary, yet before they were allowed to enter on their government, it was required that they should first secure the approbation of the barons, the chief lords, and the people. For this pur pose they visited all the principal towns and cities, when they swore religiously to respect the liberties of the citi zens; which being done, the people engaged to pay the taxes necessary to support their authority.*

Long signalized by industry, which, as it brought the enjoyment of wealth and intelligence, so it generated a love of independence, which led them early to emancipate themselves from the vassalage of the bishops and nobles; and in 1300, the chiefs of the gilden or trades were, in many instances, more powerful than the nobles. Prior to the fourteenth century, provincial states were established, or rather renewed. The stadtholder assembled the nobles and deputies from the chief cities, and in conjunction with himself, regulated the affairs of the province. The latter shortly after assumed the power of convoking

* Modern Universal History, vol. xxxi.

*

themselves. Such being the political condition of the Dutch, before they cast off the authority of Philip, the political leaders of the revolt against his personal but secretly declared commands were enabled to carry on their opposition to his despotic designs, under the forms of legality, and throw the whole blame of the national excitement on the deputy of the monarch and the creatures of the court, by charging them with entrenching upon the institutions of the country, in direct opposition to the king's oath and engagements.

In finally disowning the rule of this bigoted despot, and establishing the independence of the seven United Provinces, "little change took place," says Sir James Mack intosh, "in the internal institutions" of the Belgians when the prince of Orange was invested with the powers of stadtholder, and the nobility and the deputies of towns directed the government, having formerly shared a large portion of its executive department.

But while the civil government of the seven provinces was soon settled under the form of a republic, and greatly prospered in its various departments, this was not the case with the Church; which, since it had rejected the dogmas and domination of Popery, had become perfectly altered in its character and institutions, by adopting presbyterianism in its constitution and discipline. That the Dutch, who had been disgusted with the episcopal office, which they had seen abused by those who had worn the mitre, and when playing the part of political tyrants, in executing Philip's commands, had stained their hands with the blood of the people, should be disposed to adopt a system of Church government that was the farthest from papal domination in its princely and imperious hierarchy,

*The writer of the History of the Netherlands, in Lardner's Cyclopædia, speaking of the early inhabitants of the province of Friesland, classically called Frisii, or more generally in their own language, Vry-Vriesen or Free Frisons, says, "No nation is more interested than England in the examination of all that concerns this corner of Europe, so resolute in its opposition to both civil and religious tyranny; for it was there that those Saxon institutions and principles were first developed without constraint while the time of their establishment in England was still distant." Vol. x, p. 32.

+ History of the Revolution in England, in 1688, p. 306.

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