the guide of a new league of republics on this continent, who had been stimulated, by emulation of her, to achieve their own. independence.

This work is of permanent value to the statesman and historian. It unfolds, in a very satisfactory manner, the various negotiations, many of them extremely intricate, in which the diplomatists of this country have, at successive periods, been engaged. It presents, indeed, a clear and intelligible view of our foreign relations, from the commencement of the government to the close of the last war. Although a faithful compilation, collected from numerous sources, it is not merely a compilation. It abounds with expositions, for the most part very candid and just, of the general policy and particular circumstances of the transactions which it narrates. To some of the author's positions we cannot assent; but we peruse the whole with instruction and profit. Without entering into an elaborate examination of the subjects discussed, we shall make a few extracts from the book, interspersing here and there some remarks, for the purpose of affording an idea of its plan and merits.

After an introductory chapter, the author considers, in succession, our treaties with France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Great Britain, Prussia, Spain, Russia, Denmark, and Portugal. The subjoined account is from the first chapter. It is to be remembered, that Congress consisted of the representatives of sovereignties, the votes being taken by States. The account is one of the resolves of that body.

"Resolved, that the ceremonial for a Minister Plenipotentiary or Envoy shall be as follows. When a Minister Plenipotentiary or Envoy shall arrive within any of the United States, he shall receive, at all places, where there are guards, sentries, and the like, such military honors as are paid to a general officer of the second rank in the armies of the United States. When he shall arrive at the place in which Congress shall be, he shall wait upon the President, and deliver his credentials, or a copy thereof. Two members of Congress shall then be deputed to wait upon him, when and where he shall receive audience of the Congress. At the time he is to receive his audience, the two members shall again wait upon him in a coach belonging to the States, and the person first named of the two, shall return with the Minister Plenipotentiary or Envoy in the coach, giving the Minister the right hand, and placing himself on the left with the other member on the first seat. When the Minister Plenipotentiary or Envoy is

arrived at the door of the Congress Hall, he shall be introduced to his chair by the two members, who shall stand at his left hand.” "When the Minister is introduced to his chair by the two members, he shall sit down. His Secretary shall then deliver to the President the letter of his Sovereign, which shall be read and translated by the Secretary of Congress. Then the Minister shall be announced, at which time the President, the House, and the Minister shall rise together. The Minister shall then bow to the President and the House, and they to him. The Minister and the President shall then bow to each other, and be seated, after which the House shall sit down. The Minister shall deliver his speech standing. The President and the House shall sit while the Minister is delivering his speech. The House shall rise, and the President shall deliver the answer standing. The Minister shall stand while the President delivers his answer. Having spoken, and being answered, the Minister and President shall bow to each other, at which time the House shall bow, and then the Minister shall be conducted home in the manner in which he was brought to the House." "Those who shall wait upon the Minister, shall inform him, that if, in any audience, he shall choose to speak on matters of business, it will be necessary, previously, to deliver in writing to the President what he intends to say at the audience, and if he shall not incline thereto, it will, from the constitution of Congress, be impracticable for him to receive an immediate answer."

pp. 15, 16. Contrast with this cool and somewhat over-formal style of reception, the enthusiastic welcome given to James Monroe, by the National Convention. How characteristic is each, of the respective assemblies. One firm, sober, zealous for liberty, but chastening its emotions, and preserving the exhibition of strong feeling for great occasions; the other filled with almost frantic ardor, that broke out in civic rejoicings and diplomatic kisses.

"Mr. Monroe was received and accredited in the bosom of the National Convention. The President was directed to give him the fraternal embrace, in token of the friendship that existed between France and America. The Minister entered the hall amidst the cries of Vive la République; and the President having announced, that Mr. Monroe spoke only the English language, one of the secretaries of the Convention was ordered to read a translation of the discourse the Minister had prepared. The address of Mr. Monroe is plain, sensible, and appropriate to the occasion. But the answer of the President was rhetorical in the extreme, and concluded with this expression; "Why should I delay to confirm this friendship by the fraternal embrace I am directed to give you in the name of the French people. Come and receive it

in the name of the American people, and may this scene destroy the last hope of the impious band of tyrants." The Minister was conducted to the President, who gave the kiss and embrace in the midst of universal acclamations of joy, delight, and admiration." p. 81, note.

Many striking remarks and amusing anecdotes occur in the account of the negotiations with France. It has been doubted, whether our revolution had much direct influence upon the affairs of Europe. The ensuing passage in one of Franklin's letters in 1777, touches upon this point.

"All Europe is on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wishes can carry them. Those, who live under arbitrary power, do nevertheless approve of liberty, and wish for it; they almost despair of recovering it in Europe; they read the translations of our separate colony institutions with rapture, and there are such numbers every where, who talk of removing to America with their families and fortunes, as soon as peace and our independence shall be established, that it is generally believed, we shall have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth, and arts, from the emigrations of Europe; and it is thought, that, to lessen or prevent such emigrations, the tyrannies established there must relax, and allow more liberty to their people. Hence it is a common observation here, that our cause is the cause of all mankind, and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own." p. 23. Our readers may be pleased to see the patriarch of Ferney turned prédicateur.

Nothing appears more worthy of being mentioned than Voltaire's interview with Franklin. M. de Voltaire spoke to him in English; his niece, Mme. Denis, who was present with some other friends, observed, they should be glad to hear what was said, and begged him to speak French. I beg your pardon,' replied Voltaire, 'I have for a moment yielded to the vanity of speaking the same language as Dr Franklin.' Franklin presented his grandson to the philosopher, and craved his blessing for him. Voltaire extended his arms over him, and said to him, 'My child, God and Liberty! Recollect those two words.' p. 24, note.

Franklin must have been a philosopher indeed, to remain wholly untouched by the blandishments of the fascinating court, in which he was the centre of attraction. Speaking of his public presentation, our author has this account.

"His age, his venerable appearance, the simplicity of his dress on such an occasion; every thing that was either singular or respecta

ble in the life of this American, contributed to augment the public attention. Clapping of hands, and a variety of other demonstrations of joy, announced that warmth of affection, of which the French are more susceptible than any other people, and of which their politeness and civility augments the charm to him who is the object of it.

"His majesty addressed him as follows:

"You may assure the United States of America of my friendship. I beg leave also to observe, that I am exceedingly satisfied in particular with your own conduct during your residence in my kingdom.' When the new ambassador, after this audience, crossed the court, in order to repair to the office of the minister of Foreign Affairs, the multitude waited for him in the passage, and hailed him with their acclamations." pp. 46, 47.

But the following trait of Parisian enthusiasm, extracted from an entertaining writer on the French court, is the best of all.

“Franklin appeared at court in the dress of an American cultivator. His straight unpowdered hair, his round hat, his brown cloth coat, formed a contrast with the laced and embroidered coats, and the powdered and perfumed heads of the courtiers of Versailles. This novelty turned the enthusiastic heads of the French women. Elegant entertainments were given to Dr Franklin, who, to the reputation of a Philosopher, added the patriotic virtues which had invested him with the noble character of an Apostle of Liberty. I was present at one of these entertainments, when the most beautiful woman out of three hundred, was selected to place a crown of laurels upon the white head of the American philosopher, and two kisses upon his cheeks.'" p. 47, note.

Our author's elucidation of our treaties and negotiations with France, and particularly of the continental system, and its operation upon our commerce, is entitled to careful attention. His observations upon the Berlin Decree we extract as a favorable specimen of his style.

"The mind is impressed with a singular sensation, in beholding a great conqueror, just reposing from one of his most signal victories, in the capital of the sovereign, whose army he had rather destroyed than defeated, issuing decrees, that embraced, in their desolating effects, almost every sea of the civilized world. The power of Napoleon Bonaparte was scarcely bounded by any river on the continent of Europe. In gaining his great victories, in adding state after state to his dominions, in placing brother after brother upon the thrones of the old nations, whose dynasties he had thrown down, he seems to have been fulfilling his proper part,—to have

been accomplishing the destinies of which, under Heaven, he was the humble instrument. Wherever he marched, he carried a force with him sufficient to effect his purposes. This was the legitimate exercise of the vast power, with which he was intrusted, by Providence, for objects which it is not yet altogether in the reach of man to comprehend. But, when he extended his ambition to the ocean,-when he undertook to overwhelm whole countries, by maritime decrees, we perceive that he has left the orbit, in which it was his destiny to move; and we feel that the unity of his theatrical character is destroyed. The only weapon he could there use, was menace; he descended to an element, upon which his countrymen had, latterly, always failed-upon which he had himself always appeared in dread of an enemy-upon which he was never seen, except as a fugitive. There was one field, upon which he was always an inferior; and, to enter upon it, he left another, upon which he had never been conquered. In another point of view, it was the first act of a vast and magnificent project, to exclude the trade and navigation of Great Britain from the ports and rivers of the whole continent of Europe, and to overwhelm her naval greatness, and infinite extent of commerce, by an irresistible accumulation of power and resources on the land." pp. 120, 121.

It appears that Sweden was the third power which treated with the United States (following next after the Dutch Provinces and France); and the only power that voluntarily tendered its friendship to us. In relation to this our author observes;

"The conduct of Sweden was marked with great frankness, and with a very friendly character. The United States could not expect much aid from that country, or suppose that her example could have a great deal of influence on other nations. But it was highly gratifying that a state renowned as Sweden always has been, for the bravery and love of independence of her people, should manifest so great a sympathy in the arduous struggles for liberty of a distant country. The proposal for a treaty was entirely unsought for on the part of America." p. 153.

We venture to extract one anecdote more, contained in the chapter on our relations with Russia. It seems Catherine, at the time in question, was averse to any recognition of the existence of this country as an independent nation.

"Franklin relates an amusing story of the Count du Nord, afterwards the emperor Paul, that affords some illustration of the views of the empress, though an affair of mere etiquette :-'The Compte du Nord, who is son of the empress of Russia, on ar