evident that Charles, ambitious to complete the work so unwisely begun by his father, was resolved, in conjunction with the bishops, to govern the church of Scotland by the same absolute authority which he enjoyed in England, and to render the ecclesiastical government of all his kingdoms regular and uniform. But the ardour of reformation was not yet sufficiently abated, among the Scots, to admit of such a change. They were still under the influence of the wildest enthusiasm; and that, concurring with certain political considerations, not only obstructed Charles's favourite scheme of uniformity, but eventually ruined his authority in both kingdoms.

This prince, from the natural piety or superstition of his temper, was slavishly attached to churchmen; and as it is natural for all men to persuade themselves that their interest coincides with their inclination, he had laid it down as a political canon, that to increase the power and civil influence of the ecclesiastical order was the first duty of his government. He considered the episcopal clergy as the most faithful servants of the crown, and the great promoters of loyalty among the people. In consequence of this idea, some of the Scottish prelates were raised to the highest offices of the state; and an attempt was made to revive the first institution of the College of Justice, and to share equally between the clergy and laity the whole judicial authority, as before the Reformation.(1) These innovations disgusted the high-minded nobility, who frequently found themselves insulted by the upstart bishops, whom they considered in the light of intruders, at the same time that they had the mortification to see themselves inferior in official consequence, and less regarded as the objects of royal favour. Selfishness completed that jealousy which ambition had begun. The Scottish nobility saw themselves ready to be deprived of those church-lands which they had so largely shared at the Reformation, in order to exalt still higher the consequence of the clergy; and therefore took part with the people and the Presbyterian preachers, in opposing the king's plan of episcopacy, and spreading wide the alarm of popery.(2)

Meanwhile, Charles and his dignified ecclesiastics were zealously employed in framing canons and a liturgy for the use of a people who held both in abhorrence. The canons, which were promulgated in 1635, though received by the nation without much clamour or opposition, occasioned much inward apprehension and discontent. They were indeed of a most arbitrary and offensive nature, and highly grievous to a people jealous of their civil and religious liberties. They asserted, that the king's authority was absolute and unlimited; and they ordained, among many other things odious to Presbyterian ears, that the clergy should not pray extempore, but by the printed form prescribed in the liturgy; that no one should officiate as schoolmaster without a license from the bishop of the diocess; nor any person be admitted into holy orders, or allowed to perform any ecclesiastical function, without first subscribing those canons.(3)

Even men of moderate principles, who could regard these ordinances with a degree of indifference, were filled with indignation at seeing a whole body of ecclesiastical laws established without any previous consent, either of church or state. They dreaded a like despotism in civil government: yet a seeming submission was paid to the king's authority, until the reading of the liturgy. It was chiefly copied from that of England, and consequently little exceptionable in itself. But this seemingly favourable circumstance was no recommendation to the Scots, who, proud of the purity of their worship, thought the English church still retained a strong mixture of Romish pollution. They therefore represented the new liturgy as a species of mass, though with less show and embroidery; and when, in the cathedral church of St. Giles, the dean of Edinburgh, arrayed in his surplice, opened the book, and began the service, the meaner part of the audience, but especially the women, raised a dreadful clamour, clapping their hands, and exclaiming, "A

(1) Guthrie's Memoirs.

(2) Burnet, Hist. Own Times, vol. i.

(3) Fuller's Church Hist. Burnet's Mem. of the House of Hamilton.

pope! a pope! Antichrist! stone him! stone him!" And the tumult was so great, that it was found impossible to proceed with the service, until the most turbulent of the rioters were turned out of the church by the civil magistrates. The bishop, who had attempted in vain to appease them, was in danger of falling a sacrifice to their fury, in going home.(1)

Though this tumult appeared to have been conducted only by persons of low condition, the sense of the nation was well known; so that it was not thought advisable to hazard a new insult by a second attempt to read the liturgy. But as the king, contrary to all the maxims of sound policy, and even of common sense, remained inflexible in his purpose of imposing such a mode of worship on his Scottish subjects, new tumults arose; and the people flocked from every part of the kingdom to Edinburgh, in order to oppose so obnoxious a measure. Men of all ranks and conditions joined in petitions against the liturgy: the pulpits resounded with vehement declamations against Antichrist; and the populace, who had at first opposed the new service, was ingeniously compared by the preachers to Balaam's ass, an animal, stupid in itself, but whose mouth the Lord had opened, to the admiration of the whole world.(2) Fanaticism, in a word, mingling with faction, and private interest with the spirit of liberty, produced symptoms of the most dangerous insurrection; yet Charles, as if under the influence of a blind fatality, though fully informed of the disorders in Scotland, obstinately refused to desist from his undertaking, notwithstanding the representations of his ablest ministers, and most faithful servants in that kingdom.

But what renders this obstinacy still more inexcusable, and makes the king's conduct appear altogether inexplicable, is, that while he was endeavouring to recover so great a part of the property of Scotland as the church lands, from powerful nobles by no means willing to relinquish them, and was attempting to change the whole civil and ecclesiastical constitution of the kingdom, he raised no forces to carry his violent designs into execution! The Scots saw the weakness of his administration, at the same time that they had reason to complain of its rigour: and on a proclamation being issued, containing a pardon for all past offences, and exhorting them peaceably to submit to the liturgy, they entered into a civil and religious convention, generally known by the name of the COVENANT, which proved an effectual barrier against all regal encroachments.

In this convention were comprehended all orders of men in the state, divided into different tables or classes; one table consisting of nobility, another of gentry, a third of clergy, and a fourth of burgesses. In the hands of commissioners, chosen from these four tables, the whole authority of the kingdom was placed. The articles of their covenant consisted, first, of a renunciation of popery, formally signed by the late king in his youth; then followed a bond of union, by which the subscribers obliged themselves to resist innovations in religion, and to defend each other against all violence and oppression.(3) And as every thing was pretended to be done by the covenanters for the glory of God, the honour of the king, and the advantage of their country, people of all ranks, without distinction of age or sex, crowded to subscribe the covenant. Even the king's ministers and counsellors were seized with the general phrensy.(4)

Charles, who now began to apprehend the consequences of such a powerful combination, despatched the marquis of Hamilton into Scotland, with authority to treat with the covenanters. He offered to suspend the canons and liturgy, until they could be received in a fair and legal way; and so model the court of High Commission, that it should no longer give offence. But he required in return for these concessions a renunciation of the covenant. The covenanters, who carried much higher their pretensions, and found themselves seconded by the zeal of the whole nation, replied, "that they would sooner renounce their baptism than the covenant!" and the ministers

(1) King's Declaration. Rushworth, vol. ii. Burnet's Mem. (3) Id. Ibid.

(2) Id. ibid.
(4) Burnet, ubi sup.

invited the commissioner to subscribe it, telling him "with what peace and comfort it had filled the hearts of all God's people."(1)

Hamilton returned to London; made another fruitless journey to Edinburgh, with new concessions; returned a second time to London; and was again sent back, with concessions yet more ample. Charles now consented utterly to abolish the canons, the liturgy, and the court of High Commission; but he would not agree to abolish episcopacy, which he thought as essential to the very being of a Christian church, as his Scottish subjects deemed it incompatible with that sacred institution. This narrowness of mind, which we must pity rather than condemn, proved the ruin of the negotiation. The king had empowered Hamilton, however, to propose the summoning of the general assembly of the church and the parliament, by which every grievance might be redressed; an offer which was readily embraced by the covenanters, who were well assured of their superior influence in both.

The first object that engaged the attention of the general assembly, where, besides a vast multitude of the populace, all the Scottish nobility and gentry of any family or interest were present, was an act for the utter abolition of episcopacy. The bishops sent a protest, declining the authority of the assembly; and the commissioner dissolved it, in his majesty's name, after declaring it illegally constituted. But this measure, though unforeseen, was little regarded: the members continued to sit, and to finish their business. All the acts of assembly, since the accession of James VI. to the crown of England, were declared null and void, as being procured by the arbitrary influence of the sovereign; and the acts of parliament, which affected ecclesiastical affairs, were considered, on the same account, as of no authority.(2) Thus, episcopacy, the court of High Commission, the canons, and the liturgy were abolished, and declared unlawful. Every thing, in a word, which, during a long course of years, James and Charles had been labouring with such care and policy to rear, was thrown at once to the ground; and the covenant, so obnoxious to the crown and hierarchy, was ordered, under pain of excommunication, to be signed by every one. (3)

After having taken these bold steps, it became necessary for the Scottish malecontents to maintain their religious opinions by military force; especially as they had good reason to believe, that, however just their resolutions might appear to themselves, they would not be assented to by the king. Although they did not despair of supernatural assistance, they therefore thought it would be imprudent to slight the arm of flesh. Their measures, dictated by vigour and ability, were indeed alike distinguished by their wisdom and promptitude; and such as might have been expected from a regularly established commonwealth, rather than a tumultuous convention. The whole kingdom being in a manner engaged in the covenant, men of talents soon acquired that ascendant to which their natural superiority entitled them, and which their family interest or their character enabled them to maintain. The earl of Argyle, well calculated to make a figure during such a turbulent period, took the lead; and the earls of Rothes, Cassils, Montrose, Lothian, with the lords Lindsey, Loudon, Yester, and Balmerino, distinguished themselves in the cause. A number of Scottish officers, who had acquired reputation in Germany, during the religious wars, but particularly under Gustavus Adolphus, were invited over to assist their country in her present necessity; and the chief command was intrusted to Lesley, earl of Leven, an officer of experience and ability. Forces were regularly enlisted and disciplined; arms were imported from foreign countries; some castles belonging to the king were seized; and the whole country, except a small part, where the marquis of Huntley still supported the royal authority, was reduced under the power of the covenanters.(4)

Charles, whose affection to his native kingdom was strong, but whose attachment to the hierarchy was yet stronger, hastened his military prepa

(1) King's Declaration. Rushworth, vol. ii.

(2) King's Declaration. Burnet's Mcm. Rushworth, vol. it.
(4) May's History of the Parliament of England. Burnet's Mem.

(3) Id. ibid.

rations for subduing the refractory spirit of the Scots, and re-establishing episcopacy. A formidable fleet, with five thousand troops on board, was intrusted to the marquis of Hamilton, who had orders to sail for the Frith of Forth, and attempt to divide the forces of the covenanters; and an army of near twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse, was levied, and put under the command of the earl of Arundel. The earl of Essex was appointed lieutenant-general, and the earl of Holland general of the horse. The king himself joined the army, and summoned all the peers of England to attend him. Many of them repaired to the camp, which had more the appearance of a splendid court than of a military armament. With part of this pompous rather than formidable force, Charles arrived at York, while Essex advanced and took possession of Berwick.(1)

The army of the covenanters was as numerous as that of the king, but inferior in cavalry. The officers, however, had more experience; and the soldiers, though newly raised, and but indifferently armed, were animated by the strongest motive that can stipulate men to action-zeal for the preservation of their civil and religious liberties. Yet so prudent were their leaders, who wished to avoid hostilities, that they immediately sent submissive messages, and craved leave to be permitted to treat with the king. It was now a very difficult matter for Charles to determine how to act. He was sensible, that while the force of the covenanters remained unbroken, their spirits high, and their ardour unabated, no reasonable terms could be expected from them; and should he submit to their pretensions, not only prelacy must be sacrificed to their fanaticism, but regal authority itself would become a mere shadow in Scotland. On the other hand, the consequences of a defeat, while Scotland was in arms, and England dissatisfied, were too dreadful to permit him to hazard a battle: the utter loss of his authority in both kingdoms was to be feared. Besides, had he been inclined to rely on the bravery of his English subjects, they discovered no inclination to act offensively against the Scots, whose necessity of rising they pitied, and whose independent spirit they admired. The sympathy of civil and religious grievances had subdued all national animosity in their hearts.

It seemed, however, essential for the king's safety, that he should take a decided part; that he should either confide in the valour and generosity of the English nation, and attempt to bring the Scots under submission; or openly and candidly grant the covenanters such conditions as would exclude all future cause of complaint, and render rebellion inexcusable. Unfortu nately, in deliberating between these two resolutions, Charles embraced neither; but concluded a sudden pacification, in which it was stipulated, that he should withdraw his fleet and army; that the Scots, within eightand-forty hours, should dismiss their forces; that the forts taken by the covenanters should be restored, the royal authority acknowledged, and the general assembly and parliament summoned, in order to compose all differences.(2)

The consequences were such as might be expected from so injudicious a negotiation. The pretensions of the Scots agreed so ill with the concessions which the king was willing to make, that their parliament was prorogued, when proceeding to ratify some obnoxious acts of assembly; and the war was renewed, with great advantages on the side of the covenanters. Charles's necessities had obliged him to disband his forces, immediately after the unmeaning pacification; and, as the English nation discovered little inclination to engage in the quarrel, it was impossible to assemble a new army without great expense, as well as loss of time. The more provident covenanters, who foresaw the probability of their being again obliged to support their pretensions by arms, were careful, in dismissing their troops, to take such measures as made it easy for them to collect their strength. The officers had orders to be ready on the first summons, and the soldiers were warned not to think the nation secure from an English invasion. Pious zeal made both

86

[PART II.

watchful; and no sooner was the trumpet sounded, by their spiritual and temporal leaders, than all ranks of men repaired to their military stations, and cheerfully took the field once more, in defence of their civil and religious liberties.(1)

The king, at length, got together a body of troops; but he soon discovered that his greatest difficulty yet remained: his revenues were insufficient to support them. How to proceed, in such an emergency, was a question not easy to be determined. After the many irregular methods of taxation which had been tried, and the multiplied disgusts thereby given to the puritanical party, as well as by the management of religion, little could be expected from an English parliament: yet to that humiliating expedient the proud spirit of Charles was obliged to stoop, as the only means of obtaining supply; and after a contemptuous intermission of eleven years, to summon the great council of the nation, and throw himself on the generosity of his insulted commons. The commons, as might have been expected, insisted that the redress of grievances should be taken into consideration before they entered on the business of supply. This, they affirmed, was conformable to the ancient usage of parliament, and founded on a jealousy inherent in the constitution; that the necessity pleaded was purely ministerial, not national; for, if the same grievances, under which England laboured, had pushed the Scots to extremities, was it incumbent on the English to forge their own chains by imposing chains on their neighbours? Disgusted with these reasonings, and finding his friends in the house outnumbered by his enemies, Charles, by the advice of archbishop Laud, and the marquis of Hamilton, formed and executed the desperate resolution of dissolving the parliament. (2) The marquis is supposed to have been secretly a friend to the covenanters.

Thus disappointed of parliamentary aid, the king, in order to satisfy his urgent wants, was obliged to have recourse to a method of supply which must have been very grating to a generous mind. Besides laying a heavy hand upon the clergy, he was under the necessity of borrowing large sums from his ministers and courtiers; and so much was he beloved by them, that the loan greatly exceeded his expectation. They subscribed above three hundred thousand pounds in a few days. By these means, he was enabled to march his army northward. It consisted of nineteen thousand foot, and two thousand horse. The earl of Northumberland acted as commander-inchief; the earl of Strafford as lieutenant-general; and lord Conway as general of the horse.(3)

The army of the covenanters, though more numerous, were sooner ready, and had marched to the borders of England, in consequence of a letter forged by lord Saville, in the name of six English noblemen of distinction, inviting the Scots to assist their neighbours in procuring a redress of their grivances.(4) But notwithstanding their force and this encouragement, they still preserved the most submissive language; and entered England, as they declared, with no other view but to obtain access to the king's person, and lay their humble petition at his royal feet. They were opposed in their march, at Newburn upon Tyne, by a detachment of four thousand five hundred men, under lord Conway, who seemed resolute to dispute with them the passage of the river. The Scots, after entreating liberty to pass unmolested, attacked their opponents with great bravery; killed several of them, and chased the rest from their ground. (5) In consequence of this unexpected advantage, the whole English army was seized with a panic: the forces at Newcastle fled immediately to Durham; and not thinking themselves safe even there, retreated with precipitation into Yorkshire.(6)

The victorious covenanters took possession of Newcastle, though without offering any violence to the persons or property of the inhabitants. They not only preserved the most exact discipline, but persevered so far in maintaining the appearance of an amicable disposition towards England, that (1) Clarendon, vol. i. (4) Nalson, vol. ii. Burnet, Hist. vol. i. (2) Id. ibid. Burnet's Mem. This panic was chiefly occasioned by an unexpected discharge of artillery. Burnet, Hist. vol. i»

(3) Rushworth, vol. iii.
(5) Clarendon, vol. i.