was in his power, by going into Spain in person, to avoid all these inconveniences, and to lay such an obligation on the infanta, if he found her really worthy of his love, as could not fail to warm the coldest affections; that his journey to Madrid, so conformable to the generous ideas of Spanish gallantry, would recommend him to the princess under the endearing character of a devoted lover and daring adventurer; and, at the same time, would afford him a glorious opportunity of choosing for himself, and of examining with his own senses the companion of his future life, and the partner of his bed and throne.(1)

These arguments made a deep impression on the affectionate temper of Charles. He obtained, in an unguarded hour, his father's consent to the Spanish journey; and off the two adventurers set, to the great uneasiness of James; who, as soon as he had leisure for reflection, became afraid of bad consequences resulting from the unbridled spirit of Buckingham, and the youth and inexperience of his son. His apprehensions were but too well founded; yet, for a time, the affairs of the prince of Wales wore a very promising and happy appearance at Madrid. Philip IV., one of the most magnificent monarchs that ever sat on the Spanish throne, paid Charles a visit immediately on his arrival, and expressed the utmost gratitude for the confidence reposed in him. He gave him a golden key, which opened all his apartments, that the prince might, without any introduction, have access to him at all hours. He took the left hand of him on every occasion and in every place, except in the apartments assigned to Charles; a distinction founded on the most perfect principles of politeness: "For here," said Philip, "you are at home!" He was introduced into the palace with the same pomp and ceremony that attended the kings of Spain at their coronation. All the jails were thrown open, and all the prisoners received their freedom, as if the most fortunate and honourable event had happened to the monarchy.(2) Independent of his enthusiastic gallantry towards the infanta, and the unparalleled confidence which he had placed in the honour of the Spanish nation by his romantic journey to Madrid, the decent reserve and modest deportment of Charles endeared him to that grave and formal people, and inspired them with the most favourable ideas of his character; while the bold manner, the unrestrained freedom of discourse, the sallies of passion, the levity and the licentiousness of Buckingham, rendered him odious to the whole court. The grandees could not conceal their surprise, that such an unprincipled young man, who seemed to respect no laws divine or human should be allowed to obtrude himself into a negotiation, already almost conducted to a happy issue, by so able a statesman as Bristol: and the ministry hinted a doubt of the sufficiency of his powers, as they had not been confirmed by the privy council of England, in order to prevent him from assuming the merit of the matrimonial treaty. He grossly insulted, and publicly quarrelled with Olivares, the prime minister; a circumstance that drew on him yet greater detestation from the Spanish courtiers, who contemplated with horror the infanta's future condition, in being exposed to the approaches of such a brutal man.(3)

Sensible how much he was hated by the Spaniards, and dreading the influ ence which the court of Madrid would acquire in England, in consequence of the projected marriage, Buckingham resolved to poison the mind of the prince; and yet, if possible, to prevent the nuptials from taking place :-and he effected his purpose. But history has not informed us by what arguments he induced Charles to offer so heinous an affront to the Spanish nation, after such generous treatment, and to the infanta, whom he had gone so far to visit, and for whom he had hitherto expressed the warmest attachment. In regard to those we are totally in the dark. For although we may conjecture, from his subsequent conduct, that they were of the political kind, we only know with certainty, that when the prince of Wales left Madrid, he was firmly determined to break off the treaty with Spain, notwithstanding all his pro(1) Clarendon, vol. i. (3) Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. ▲

(2) Franklin, p. 74.

fessions to the contrary; that when Buckingham arrived in England, he ascribed the failure of the negotiation solely to the insincerity and duplicity of the Spaniards; that by means of these false representations, to which the king and the prince of Wales meanly gave their assent, he ingratiated himself into the favour of the popular party; and that the nation eagerly rushed into a war against the Spanish monarchy, in order to revenge insults it had never sustained.(1)

The situation of the earl of Bristol, at the court of Madrid, was now truly pitiable; nor were the domestic concerns of that court a little distressing, or the king of England's embarrassment small. To abandon a project, which had, during so many years, been the chief object of his wishes, and which he had now unexpectedly conducted to so desirable a crisis,-a rupture with Spain, and the loss of two millions of pesoes, were prospects by no means agreeable to the pacific temper and indigent condition of James: but finding his only son averse to a match which had always been odious to his people, and opposed by his parliament, he yielded to difficulties which he wanted courage or strength of mind to overcome.

It was now the business of Charles and Buckingham to seek for pretences by which they could give some appearance of justice to their intended breach of treaty. They accordingly employed many artifices, in order to delay or prevent the espousals; and these all proving ineffectual, Bristol at last received positive orders not to deliver the proxy, which had been left in his hands, until security was given for the full restitution of the Palatinate. (2) The king of Spain understood this language. He was acquainted with Buckingham's disgust, and had expected that the violent disposition and unbounded influence of that favourite would leave nothing unattempted to embroil the two nations. Resolved, however, to demonstrate to all Europe the sincerity of his intentions, and to throw the blame where it was due, he delivered into Bristol's hands a written promise, binding himself to procure the restoration of the elector Palatine. And when he found that this concession gave no satisfaction to the court of England, he ordered the infanta to lay aside the title of princess of Wales, which she had borne after the arrival of the dispensation from Rome, and to drop the study of the English language; commanding, at the same time, preparations for war to be made throughout all his extensive dominions.(3)

Bristol, who, during Charles's residence in Spain, had always opposed, though unsuccessfully, his own wise and well tempered councils to the impetuous measures suggested by Buckingham; and who, even after the prince's departure, had strenuously insisted on the sincerity of the Spaniards in the conduct of the treaty, as well as on the advantages which England must reap from the completion of it; was enraged to find his successful labours rendered abortive by the levities and caprices of an insolent minion. But he was not surprised to hear that the favourite had afterward declared himself his open enemy, and thrown out many injurious reflections against him, both before the council and parliament. Conscious, however, of his own innocence, Bristol prepared to leave Madrid on the first order to that purpose; although the Catholic king, sorry that his minister's enemies should have so far prevailed as to infuse prejudices into his master and his country against a servant who had so faithfully discharged his duty to both, entreated him to fix his residence in Spain, where he should enjoy all the advantages of rank and fortune, rather than expose himself to the inveterate malice of his rival, and the ungovernable fury of the English populace.

Bristol's reply was truly magnanimous. While he expressed the utmost gratitude for that princely offer, he thought himself obliged, he said, to decline it; that nothing would more confirm all the calumnies of his enemies than remaining at Madrid; and that the highest dignity in the Spanish monarchy would be but a poor compensation for the loss of that honour, which he must endanger by such exaltation. Charmed with this answer, which increased

(Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. i

(2) Rushworth, vol. i. Kennet, p. 776.

(3) Id. ibid.

:

still farther his esteem for the English ambassador, Philip begged him at least to accept a present of ten thousand ducats, which might be requisite for his support until he could dissipate the calumnies of his enemies; assuring him, at the same time, that his compliance should for ever remain a secret to all the world, and could never come to the knowledge of his master. "There is one person," replied the generous nobleman, "who must necessarily know it: he is the earl of Bristol, who will certainly reveal it to the king of England!"(1) The king of England was unworthy of such a servant. Bristol, on his return, was immediately committed to the tower. In vain did he demand an opportunity of justifying himself, and of laying his whole conduct before his master. Buckingham and the prince of Wales were inexorable, unless he would acknowledge his misconduct; a proposal which his high spirit rejected with disdain. After being released from confinement, he was there fore ordered to retire to his country seat, and to abstain from all attendance in parliament.(2)

In consequence of the rupture with Spain, and the hostile disposition in the parliament, an alliance was entered into, as we have formerly had occasion to notice, (3) between France and England, in conjunction with the United Provinces, for restraining the ambition of the house of Austria, and recovering the Palatinate. A treaty of marriage was about the same time negotiated between the prince of Wales and Henrietta of France, sister to Lewis XIII. and daughter of Henry IV., an accomplished princess, whom Charles had seen and admired in his way to Madrid, and who retained, during his whole life, a dangerous ascendancy over him, by means of his too tender and affectionate heart.(4)

This match was highly agreeable to James; who, although well acquainted with the antipathy of his subjects against any alliance with Catholics, still persevered in a romantic opinion, suggested by hereditary pride, that his son would be degraded by receiving into his bed a princess of less than royal extraction.(5) He did not live, however, to see the celebration of the nuptials; but died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, soon after the failure of the expedition under count Mansfeldt, for the recovery of the Palatinate, which I have formerly had occasion to mention, in treating of the affairs of Germany.(6)

That James was contemptible as a monarch must perhaps be allowed; but that he was so as a man, can by no means be admitted. His disposition was friendly, his temper benevolent, and his humour gay. He possessed a considerable share of both learning and abilities, but wanted that vigour of mind, and dignity of manner, which are essential to form a respectable sovereign. His spirit, rather than his understanding, was weak; and the loftiness of his pretensions, contrasted with the smallness of his kingly power, only perhaps could have exposed him to ridicule, notwithstanding the ungracefulness of his person, and the gross familiarity of his conversation. His turn of mind inclined him to promote the arts, both useful and ornamental; and that peace which he loved, and so timidly courted, was favourable to industry and commerce. It may therefore be confidently affirmed, that in no preceding period (1) Franklin, p. 86.

(2) Rushworth, vol. i. James, perhaps, is more to be pitied than blamed for his ungenerous treatment of Bristol, after his return. Supported by the prince of Wales, as well as by the popular party in parliament, Buckingham exercised the most cruel despotism over the king, always timid, and now in the decline of life. Yet when Buckingham insisted on Bristol's signing a confession of his misconduct, as the only means of regaining favour at court, James had the spirit and the equity to say, that it was "a horrible tyranny to make an innocent man declare himself guilty." Id. ibid.

(3) Part I. Let. LXXIV.

(4) A secret passion for this princess had perhaps induced Charles, unknown to himself, to listen to the arguments of Buckingham, for breaking off the Spanish inatch; and if Buckingham had discovered that Pession, he would not fail to make use of it for accomplishing his purpose. Such a supposition forms the best apology for Charles's conduct in regard to the infanta. (5) Rushworth, vol. i.

(6) Part I. Let. LXXIV. The troops under Mansfeldt's command, consisting of twelve thousand foot, and two thousand horse, were embarked at Dover; but sailing over to Calais, he found no orders yet arrived for their admission. After waiting in vain for such orders, he judged it necessary to sail towards Zealand; where the troops were again detained, as proper measures had not been taken for their debarkation. Meanwhile, a pestilential distemper had crept in among the English soldiers, so long cooped up in narrow vessels. One half of the men died while on board; and the other half, weakened by sickness, appeared too feeble a body to march into the Palatinate. Rushworth, vol. i. Franklin, p. 104.

of the English monarchy, was there a more sensible increase of all the advantages which distinguish a flourishing people, than during the reign of this despised prince.

Of six legitimate children, borne to him by Anne of Denmark, James left only one son, Charles I., now in the twenty-fifth year of his age; and one daughter, Elizabeth, married to the elector Palatine.-We must carry forward the history of our own island, my dear Philip, to the unhappy catastrophe of Charles, before we return to the affairs of the continent.

LETTER III.

England, from the Accession of Charles I. to the Assassination of the Duke of Buckingham, in 1628.

As Charles and Buckingham, by breaking off the Spanish match, and engaging the nation in a war for the recovery of the Palatinate, had acquired the favour of the popular party in the house of commons, the young king was eager to meet the representative body of his people, that he might have an opportunity of showing himself to them in his new character, and of receiving a testimony of their dutiful attachment. Thus confident of the affection of his subjects, and not doubting but the parliament would afford him a liberal and voluntary supply, he employed no intrigue to influence the votes of the members. In his speech from the throne he slightly mentioned the exigencies of the state, but would not suffer the officers of the crown, who had seats in the house, to name or solicit any particular sum; he left the whole to the generosity of the commons. But the commons had no genes rosity for Charles. Never was prince more deceived by placing confidence in any body of men. Though they knew that he was loaded with a large debt, contracted by his father; that he was engaged in a difficult and expensive war with the whole house of Austria; that this war was the result of their own importunate solicitations and entreaties; and that they had solemnly engaged to yield the necessary supplies for the support of it;-in order to answer all these great and important ends, and demonstrate their affection to their young sovereign, they granted him only two subsidies, amounting to about a hundred and twelve thousand pounds.(1)

The causes of this excessive parsimony deserve to be traced. It is in vain to say, that war, during the feudal times, being supported by men, not money, the commons were not yet accustomed to open their purses. They must have been sensible, that the feudal militia being now laid aside, naval and military enterprises could not be conducted without money; especially as the heads of the country party, sir Edward Coke, sir Edwin Sandys, sir Robert Philips, sir Francis Seymour, sir Dudley Digges, sir John Elliot, sir Thomas Wentworth, Mr. Selden, and Mr. Pym, were men of great talents and enlarged views. We must therefore look deeper for the motives of this cruel mockery of their young king, on his first appearance in parliament, and when his necessities, and the honour, if not the interests, of the nation called for the most liberal supply.

These enlightened patriots, animated with a warm love of liberty, saw with regret a too extensive authority exercised by the crown, and, regardless of former precedents, were determined to seize the opportunity which the present crisis might afford them of restraining the royal prerogative within more reasonable bounds, and of securing the privileges of the people by firmer and more precise barriers than the constitution had hitherto provided for them. They accordingly resolved to grant no supplies to their necessitous prince, without extorting proportional concessions in favour of civil liberty; and how ungenerous soever such a conduct might seem, they con

VOL. II.-E

(1) Cabala, p. 224.

ceived that it was fully justified by the beneficent end they had in view. The means were regular and constitutional. To grant or refuse supplies was the undoubted privilege of the commons; and as all human governments, but especially those of a mixed kind, are in continual fluctuation, it was, in their opinion, as natural and allowable for popular assemblies to take advantage of favourable conjunctures, in order to secure the rights of the subject, as for sovereigns to make use of such occasions, in order to extend the royal authority.

Besides these general arguments, the commons had reasons of a particular and personal nature, which induced them to be sparing in their aids to the crown. Though Buckingham, in order to screen himself from the resentment of James, who was enraged at his breaking off the Spanish match, had affected popularity, and entered into cabals with the Puritans, they were always doubtful of his sincerity. Now secure of the confidence of Charles, he had realized their suspicions, by abandoning them; and was, on that account, the distinguished object of their hatred, as well as of their fears. They saw, with terror and concern, the whole power of administration grasped by his ambitious hand; while he governed his master by a more absolute ascendant than he had ever held over the late king, and possessed in his single person the most considerable offices of the state. The rest were chiefly occupied by his numerous flatterers and dependants, whom his violent temper prompted him to raise suddenly to the highest point of elevation, and to throw down, on the least occasion of displeasure, with equal impetuosity and violence. Disgusted with the failure of the expedition under Mansfeldt, the commons were of opinion that such a ministry was not to be trusted with the management of a war, how laudable soever its object; for allowing, what was very improbable, that success should attend their measures, the event was no less to be dreaded. A conquering army, in the hands of unprincipled men, might prove as dangerous to freedom as the invasion of a foreign enemy. Religion, at least, would be exposed to the utmost peril; religion, already insulted by the appearance of popish priests in their vestments, and the relaxation of the laws against recusants, in consequence of the alliance with France ;(1) and that too at a time when the peace of many an honest mind was disturbed, by being obliged to conform to the more decent ceremonies of the church of England, and when many a bold heart trembled at the sight of a surplice.

Influenced by these reasonings, however justifiable the commons might think their parsimony, it appeared in a very different light to Charles. He at first considered it as a spleen against Buckingham, and, as such, ungenerous and cruel; but when he perceived that it proceeded from a purpose of abridging his prerogative, which he thought already too limited, he regarded that purpose as highly criminal. Filled with lofty ideas of monarchical power, an attempt to circumscribe his authority seemed to him little less than a conspiracy against the throne. He therefore speedily reassembled the parliament, which he had been obliged to adjourn on account of the plague, which at that time raged in London. It met at Oxford; and there the king, laying aside that delicacy which he had hitherto observed, endeavoured to draw from the commons a more liberal supply, by making them fully acquainted with the state of his affairs, with the debts of the crown, the expenses of the war, the steps he had taken, and the engagements into which he had entered for conducting it. But all his arguments, and even entreaties, were employed in vain; the commons remained inexorable. They obstinately refused any farther assistance; though it was known that a fleet and army were lying at Portsmouth in great want of pay and provisions, and that Buckingham and the treasurer of the navy had advanced, on their own credit, near a hundred thousand pounds for the sea service. (2) They answered him only by vexatious petitions and complaints of grievances.

(1) A chapel of Somerset-house had been built for the queen and her family, with conveniences there'unto adjoining for Capuchin friars, who had permission to walk abroad in their religious habits. Rush worth, vol. i. (2) Parliamentary Hist. vol. yi. p. 390.