from all parts, and seducing or compelling them to act in their favour: the country of the Six Nations, the only body of Indians who preserved even the shadow of friendship to England, was abandoned to the mercy of the barbarous enemy. The British forts at the great carrying-place were demolished, and Wood Creek was industriously shut up. In consequence of these unfortunate circumstances, all communication with our Indian allies was cut off; and what was still worse, the whole English frontier lay perfectly uncovered to the irruptions of the French and their desolating savages. All our fine settlements on the Mohawk river, as well as on the ground called the German Flats, were destroyed.

Elated with so many advantages, the French were ambitious of distinguishing the campaign by some important blow. And no sooner did the marquis de Montcalm learn that lord Loudon, with the main body of the English forces, had left New-York, than he determined to lay siege to fort William Henry. This fort had been built on the southern side of Lake George, in order to cover the frontier of the British settlements, as well as to command the lake. The fortifications were good, and the place was defended by a garrison of two thousand five hundred men, commanded by colonel Munro. Nor were those its only security. An army of four thousand five hundred men, under the conduct of general Webb, was posted at no great distance, and a much greater force might have been assembled. The French forces, collected from Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and the adjacent forts, together with a party of Indians and Canadians, are said to have amounted to nine thousand men. With these, and a good train of artillery, Montcalm advanced against the object of his enterprise, while general Webb beheld his approaches with an indifference bordering on infatuation, or intimately allied to baseness. In a word, the enemy, meeting with no obstruction from the quarter whence they dreaded it most, obliged the English fort to surrender.

The garrison was allowed to march out with the honours of war. But the Indians in the French army, disregarding the articles of capitulation, fell upon the soldiers, and the savages in the English service, as soon as they left the place, pillaging them, dragging them out of their ranks, scalping, tomahawking, and exercising upon them every species of cruelty known among the natives of North America. (1) And what is yet more extraordinary, and what it is to be hoped posterity will not credit, two thousand Englishmen, with arms in their hands, and in danger every moment of becoming the victims of such violence, remained tame spectators of these barbarities, or sought safety only in flight!

The marquis de Montcalm, however, no less generous than brave, was able at length to quell the fury of the savages, and treated the sufferers with great humanity. Yet his summons to colonel Munro, when he began the siege, leaves room to suppose, that he meant, in case of resistance, to strike terror into the British troops by a new display of Indian cruelty. "I am still able," says he, "to restrain the savages, and to oblige them to observe a capitulation, as none of them have been killed; but this control will not be in my power in other circumstances."(2)

When intelligence of those new losses and disgraces arrived in England, the people, already sufficiently mortified, sunk into a general despondency. And certain moral and political writers, who foretold the ruin of the nation, and ascribed its misfortunes to a total corruption of manners and principles, and utter extinction of the martial spirit, gained universal credit.(3) But the more zealous friends of the new administration, in conjunction with the younger officers of the army and navy, warmly vindicated the national character, and seemed to long for an opportunity to give the lie to the visionary

(1) These barbarities are strongly delineated in many letters from the officers, after they arrived at New-York. (2) Letter, dated Aug. 3, 1757, and signed MONTCALM. (3) The most distinguished of these writers was Dr. Brown, whose Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times, abounding with awful predictions, was bought up and read with incredible sridity, and as much confided in as if he had been divinely inspired.

prognostics of splenetic theory and croaking melancholy. In the mean time, public opinion, ever fluctuating, and wholly governed by events, took a less gloomy direction. The first ray of hope came from the East.

When admiral Watson returned to the coast of Coromandel, after reducing the fortress of Gheria, the residence of the famous pirate Angria, he was informed of the loss of Calcutta, with all the horrid circumstances attending it, and resolved upon revenge. He accordingly took on board Mr. Clive, now advanced to the rank of colonel, with part of the English East India company's troops at Madras, and sailed for the bay of Bengal. By a zealous cooperation of the sea and land-forces, the forts of Buzbuzia and Tannah were speedily reduced. The town of Calcutta was recovered; and the English colours being once more hoisted on fort William, Mr. Drake and the members of the council, who had hitherto remained on board the ships in the river, were again put in possession of the government.

Not satisfied with this success, the British commanders made themselves masters also of the large town of Hoogly, where the nabob had established his principal magazines. Enraged at so many losses, and dreading more, Surajah Dowlah assembled a great army, and marched towards Calcutta, determined severely to chastise the audacity of the invaders, and even finally to expel every Englishman from the province of Bengal. But he met with so warm a salute from colonel Clive, captain Coote, and other gallant officers, at the head of the company's troops, reinforced with six hundred ailors from the fleet, as induced him to sue for peace, and agree to such terms as the English commanders thought proper to dictate. He engaged to restore to the East India company all their factories, goods, and money, which had been seized by his orders; to reinstate them in all their former privileges; and to allow them to extend their presidency over thirty-eight neighbouring villages, conformable to a disputed grant that had been obtained from the great Mogul.(1)

Informed of the new war between France and Great Britain, and having nothing now to fear from the nabob, the English commanders resolved to turn their arms against the French factories in Bengal. Their first object was the reduction of Chandernagore, the principal French settlement in the province, and a place of great strength, situated a little higher on the river Hoogly than Calcutta. In the expedition against this town and fort, colonel Clive commanded seven hundred European troops, and sixteen hundred sepoys, or soldiers of the country, habituated to the use of firearms. The squadron, consisting of three sail of the line, and a sloop of war, was conducted by the admirals Watson and Pocock. The place was defended by six hundred Europeans and three hundred sepoys, who gallantly disputed every post. But so powerful was the cannonade from the ships, as soon as they could bring their guns to bear upon the works, and from two batteries, mounted with twenty-four pounders, that assailed with a cross-fire the two bastions of the fort against which the men of war laid their broadsides, that the garrison was obliged to surrender, after a short but vigorous conflict of three hours.

As conquest naturally expands the views of the conqueror, Clive, who was formed for vast undertakings, no sooner found himself in possession of Chandernagore, than he conceived the design of humbling still farther the nabob of Bengal, and of advancing to a yet greater height the interests of the English East India company. And the conduct of that prince furnished him with many pretexts for renewing hostilities.

Surajah Dowlah was backward in fulfilling the treaty he had lately concluded with the company. He attempted to evade the execution of the chief articles of it; and he had entered into secret intrigues with the French, to whom he seemed disposed to afford protection in return for support. The English colonel, therefore, resolved to compel him to perform his stipulations; and, in case of refusal, to chastise him for his breach of faith, and even to

(1) Orme's Hist. Hindost, book vii. Lond. Gazette, Sept. 20, 1757.

divest him of his authority. In the last resolution he was confirmed (if it was not suggested) by a discovery of the disaffection of Meer Jaffier, commander-in-chief of the nabob's forces, and of the intrigues of Surajah Dowlah with the French officers in the Deccan.

The measures employed by Clive to accomplish this revolution do no less honour to his sagacity and address as a politician, than to his vigour and skill as a commander. While he conducted an intricate and dangerous negotiation with Meer Jaffier, by means of his agents, he counterfeited friendship so artfully, as not only to quiet the suspicions of the nabob, but to induce him to dissolve his army, which had been assembled at Plassy, a strong camp to the south of his capital, before the taking of Chandernagore, in consequence of a report, that the English commander meant next to attack Muxadabad. "Why do you keep your forces in the field," said he, insidiously, "after so many marks of friendship and confidence?-They distress all the merchants, and prevent us from renewing our trade. The English cannot stay in Bengal without freedom of commerce. Do not reduce us to the necessity of suspecting that you intend to destroy us as soon as you have an opportunity."(1)

In order to quiet these pretended fears, Surajah Dowlah recalled his army, though not without great anxiety. "If," cried he, with keen emotion, "the colonel should deceive me !"-And the secret departure of the English agents from Maxadabad soon convinced him that he was deceived. He again assembled his army, and ordered it to re-occupy its former camp at Plassy; after having made Meer Jaffier, by the most solemn oaths upon the Koran, renew his obligations of fidelity and allegiance.

The English commander who had hoped to take possession of that impor tant post, was not a little disconcerted by this movement. The nabob had reached Plassy twelve hours before him, at the head of fifty thousand foot, and eighteen thousand horse. These forces were protected by fifty pieces of cannon, planted in the openings between the columns, into which the Indian army was divided, and partly directed by forty Frenchmen. Clive, however, though surprised at the enemy's numbers as well as at their formidable array, resolved to give them battle. He accordingly drew up his little army, consisting of about one thousand Europeans, and two thousand sepoys, under cover of eight field-pieces. The cannonade was brisk on both sides, from eight o'clock in the morning till near noon; when a heavy shower damaged the enemy's powder, and their fire began gradually to flag.

Nor was this the only circumstance in favour of the English army. Surajah Dowlah, who had hitherto remained in his tent beyond the reach of danger, and been flattered every moment with assurances of victory, was now informed that Meer Murdeen, the only general on whose fidelity he could rely, was mortally wounded. Overwhelmed by so weighty a misfortune, he sent for Meer Jaffier, and throwing his turban on the ground, "Jaffier!" exclaimed he, "that turban you must defend." The traitor bowed, and with his hand on his breast, promised his best services. But no sooner did he join his troops, than he sent a letter to colonel Clive, acquainting him with what had passed; and requesting him either instantly to push on to victory, or to storm the nabob's camp during the following night.

The letter, however, was not delivered till the fortune of the day was decided; so that Clive was still held in some degree of suspense with respect to the ultimate intentions of Jaffier. Meanwhile, the nabob, understanding that his general continued inactive, suddenly ordered a retreat. Mounting à camel, soon after, he fled towards Muxadabad, accompanied by two thousand horsemen. And the English army, having surmounted every difficulty, entered his camp about five in the afternoon, without any other obstruction than what was occasioned by baggage and stores; it being utterly abandoned by his troops, which were seen flying on all sides in the utmost confusion.(2) Having at length received Meer Jaffier's letter, Clive pressed on with his

(1) Orme, ubi

sup.

(2) Orme, Hist. Hindost. book vil.

victorious army to Daudpore, regardless of the rich plunder of the enemy's camp. He arrived there about eight o'clock in the evening, and next morning saluted the traitor nabob (though more properly subah) of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa.

The new nabob hastened with his troops to Muxadabad, whither he was followed by the English commander. From that city Surajah Dowlah had made his escape in disguise, the day after his defeat; accompanied only by his favourite women, and by the eunuch who governed his seraglio, having lost all confidence in his army, and in his officers, both civil and military. He was taken; brought back to his capital; imprisoned, and put to death by order of Meerum, the son of Jaffier; an ambitious and cruel youth, who was unwilling to leave any thing in the power of fortune that violence could secure.(1) Nor can his conduct be blamed on the maxims of Asiatic policy. His father's sway, which otherwise might have been disputed, was instantly acknowledged over all the three provinces that composed the viceroyalty or subahship.

It now only remained for colonel Clive to make Meer Jaffier, whom he had seated in the musnud or throne, fulfil the conditional engagements into which he had solemnly entered, before the English army was put in motion for his support. After attempting some evasions, by pleading the lowness of his predecessor's treasury, the nabob found it necessary to adhere to every stipulation. And a treaty to the following purport was read, and acknowledged to have been signed by him.

"I engage, that as soon as I shall be established in the government of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa, I will maintain the treaty of peace concluded with the English by Surajah Dowlah: that the enemies of the English shall be my enemies, whether they be Indians or Europeans; that all the effects and factories belonging to the French in Bengal, the paradise of nations, or in Bahar and Orixa, shall remain in the possession of the English-and I will never more allow them to settle in any of the three provinces; that in consideration of the losses which the English company have sustained by the capture and plunder of Calcutta by the nabob, and the charges occasioned by maintaining forces to recover their factories, I will give one crore of rupees," equivalent to twelve hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling; "and that, for the effects plundered from the English inhabitants of Calcutta, I will give fifty lacks of rupees," equivalent to six hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds sterling. He also agreed to indemnify the Armenian, Gentoo, and other Asiatic inhabitants of Calcutta, and greatly to enlarge the territory of the English East India company. (2) In a word, the indemnification and restitutions, with a donation of fifty lacks of rupees to the fleet and army, exclusive of private gratuities, amounted to the enormous sum of two millions seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. Near one-third of that sum was immediately paid in coined silver.(3)

Before information arrived in England of this great revolution in the south of Asia, so favourable to the interests of Great Britain, a variety of events had happened in Europe, which served to revive the spirit of the English nation, and give a more agreeable turn to the affairs of his Britannic majesty and his allies.

While the king of Prussia was wholly occupied in observing the motions of the Austrians, and struggling to preserve his footing in Bohemia, the army of the empire, under the prince of Hildburghausen, having formed, as already observed, a junction with the French army under the prince de Soubise, at Erfurth, assumed the title of the combined army, whose immediate object it was to drive the Prussians out of Saxony. The generals of that army accordingly resolved to march down the Saala (supposing they had nothing to apprehend from his Prussian majesty), and begin their operations with the siege of Leipsic. This enterprise they chose, in preference to any other, because they would there be at hand to receive all kind of succours from (1) Orme, Hist. Hindost. book vii.

(3 Orme, book vii

(2) Orme, ubi sup. Lond. Gazette, Feb. 14, 1758.

Richelieu's army, now entirely at liberty, in consequence of the convention of Closter-seven; and also because, in case of success, they could take up their winter-quarters in that part of Saxony, and proceed next campaign, in full force, to the entire conquest of the country, as well as to that of Magdeburg and Brandenburg. But all their designs were broken, by the vigilance and activity of the enterprising Frederick.

Aware of the necessity of opposing the progress of the French and imperialists, or of humbling himself at the feet of his enemies, the king of Prussia pursued a line of conduct worthy of a hero and a commander. Leaving an army of forty battalions and seventy squadrons under the prince of Bevern, to observe the motions of the Austrians, and defend Silesia, he marched to Dresden; quickly assembled a new army, and proceeded to the Saala. The enemy abandoned Erfurth, on his approach, and retired to Eisenach. He followed them, with an intention to give them battle, but found them too advantageously posted to hazard an attack; and as they seemed studiously to decline an action, he fell back on the Saala, the better to subsist his troops. Various movements were afterward made by both armies. And the generals of the combined army having received a reinforcement under the duke de Broglio, during the absence of his Prussian majesty, who had been obliged to march to the relief of his capital, they resumed their resolution of penetrating into Saxony. They accordingly passed the Saala, established their headquarters at Weissenfels, and sent the count de Mailly to summon Leipsic.

Mareschal Keith, who had thrown himself into that important place with six thousand men, treated the summons with contempt. And before the enemy could form the siege, he was happily joined by the king of Prussia, who now saw the necessity of giving battle to the combined army, consisting of fifty thousand French and imperialists, with less than half its number. With this view he passed the Saala at Weissenfels, Merseberg, and Halle, the enemy having repassed the same river on his approach, and assembled his troops near the village of Rosbach. The combined army was encamped 'n the neighbourhood; and his Prussian majesty, having examined the position of the enemy, resolved to attack them. He accordingly advanced with that intention; but finding they had changed their position, he desisted from the attempt, and encamped, with his left at Rosbach, his centre at Shartaw, and his right towards Bedra. The generals of the combined army, considering this caution as the effect of fear, and elated with their great superiority in numbers, determined to bring him to an engagement next morning. In consequence of that resolution, they put their troops in motion about eleven o'clock, and advanced in order of battle; the cavalry in front, and the infantry in the rear.

The king of Prussia remained quiet till two o'clock; when, perceiving that the enemy's purpose was to attack his left flank, he ordered the main body of his army to march in that direction, behind the heights of Riecherts werben. These concealed his motions; and, in order farther to deceive the enemy, he left his camp standing, as if he had been in the most perfect and even infatuated security. Confident of victory, the French and imperialists advanced with so much precipitation, that their army was thrown into some disorder in its march; and before they had time to form, they were unexpectedly attacked and routed by the Prussian horse. Their cavalry attempted to rally behind the village of Busendorff; but the Prussians pursued their advantage with such ardour, that the enemy were again routed and forced to quit the field.

Meanwhile, the generals of the combined army endeavoured to form their infantry, though with little success. It was suddenly broken by the Prussian foot, supported by the cavalry and artillery. The prince de Soubise, however, did not yet give up the battle as lost. He ordered the body of reserve, consisting of five regiments of cavalry, to advance and sustain the infantry, in hopes of thus enabling them to form the line. But these fresh regiments were instantly attacked, broken, and driven off the field, like the former; and the infantry, after a vigorous combat, was also obliged to give