Page images
PDF
EPUB

Carthagena, at that time the great marts of the Spaniards in America, and the possibility which its situation afforded of cutting off all communication between these and the port of Panama on the South Sea, whither the treasures of Peru were annually conveyed, filled the court of Madrid with the most alarming apprehensions. Warm remonstrances were accordingly presented by the Spanish ambassador at the court of England, on the subject. The English also became jealous of the Scottish colony. They were apprehensive that many of their planters, allured by the prospect of golden mines, with which New Caledonia was said to abound, and the hopes of robbing the Spaniards with impunity, would be induced to abandon their former habitations, and retire thither; that ships of all nations, to the great detriment of the English trade with the Spanish main, would resort to New Edinburgh, which was declared a free port; that the buccaneers, and lawless adventurers of every denomination, would make it their principal rendezvous, as it would afford them an easy passage to the coasts of the South Sea, and by that means an opening to all the treasures of Mexico and Peru.(1)

Influenced by these considerations, and afraid of a rupture with Spain, William sent secret orders to the governor of Jamaica, and to the governors of all the other English settlements, to hold no communication with the Scottish colony, nor, on any pretence whatsoever, to supply them with arms, ammunition, or provisions. (2) Thus deprived of all support in America, and receiving but slender supplies from Europe, the miserable remnant of the Scottish settlers in Darien were obliged to surrender to the Spaniards. Never, perhaps, were any people so mortified as the Scots at this disaster. Disappointed in their golden dreams, and beggared by their unfortunate efforts, the whole nation was inflamed with rage and indignation against William, whom they accused in the most virulent language, of duplicity, ingratitude, and inhumanity. Proper leaders only were wanting to have made them rise in arms, and throw off his authority.

Nor were the people of England in a much better humour. Apprehensive the second partition treaty might involve them in a new continental war, they loudly exclaimed against it, as an impudent invasion of the rights of nations. And the powers on the continent, in general, seemed equally dissatisfied with that treaty. The German princes, unwilling to be concerned in any alliance which might excite the resentment of the house of Austria, were cautious and dilatory in their answers: the Italian states, alarmed at the idea of seeing France in possession of Naples and other districts in their country, showed an aversion against the partition treaty: the duke of Savoy, in hopes of being able to barter his consent for some considerable advantage, affected a mysterious neutrality; the Swiss cantons declined acceding as guarantees; and the emperor expressed his astonishment, that any disposal should be made of the Spanish monarchy, without the consent of the present possessor and the states of the kingdom. He therefore refused to sign the treaty, until he should know the sentiments of his Catholic majesty, on a transaction in which the interests of both were so deeply concerned; remarking, that the contracting powers, in attempting to compel him, the rightful heir, to accept of a part of his inheritance by a time limited, were at once guilty of a flagrant violation of the laws of justice and decorum.(3)

Leopold, in a word, rejected the treaty of partition, because he expected the succession to the whole Spanish monarchy; and though Lewis XIV. had signed it, in order to quiet the jealousy of his neighbours, and had engaged, along with the dauphin, not to accept of any will, testament, or donation contrary to it, he was not without hopes of supplanting the emperor in that rich inheritance. The inclinations of the king of Spain pointed towards the house of Austria; and, enraged at the projected partition of his dominions, he actually nominated the archduke Charles his universal heir. But the hearts of the Spanish nation were alienated from that house, by the arrogance of the queen and her rapacious German favourites; and the court of Vienna (2) Burnet, ubi sup.

(1) Burnet, book vi.

(3) De Torey. Burnet. Voltaire.

took no care to conciliate their affections. On the other hand, the marquis d'Harcourt, the French ambassador, by his generosity, affability, and insinuating address, contributed greatly to remove the prejudices entertained by the Spaniards against his nation, and gained a powerful party to his master's interest at the court of Madrid.(1)

The Spanish grandees, as a body, were induced to favour the claims of the house of Bourbon; but its best friends were the clergy. Cardinal Portocarrero, archbishop of Toledo, taking advantage of the superstitious weakness of his sovereign, represented to him, that France only could maintain the succession entire; that the house of Austria was feeble and exhausted, and that any prince of that family must owe his chief support to detestable heretics. He advised his Catholic majesty, however, to consult the pope on this important subject, and Charles, notwithstanding his sickness, wrote a letter with his own hand, desiring the opinion of that infallible judge. Of a case of conscience Innocent XII. made an affair of state. He was sensible, that the liberties of Italy in a great measure depended upon restraining the power of the house of Austria: he therefore declared, in answer to the devout king, That the laws of Spain, and the welfare of all Christendom, required him to give the preference to the family of Bourbon. The opinion of his holiness was supported by that of the Spanish clergy; and Charles, thinking the salvation of his soul depended on following their advice, secretly Imade a will, in which he annulled the renunciations of Maria Theresa, and nominated the duke of Anjou, second son of the dauphin, his successor in all his dominions. (2) The preference was given to this young prince, in order to prevent any alarm in Europe at the union of two such powerful monarchies as those of France and Spain; to preserve the Spanish monarchy entire and independent, yet do justice to the rights of blood.

Though this will of the king of Spain was not made known to any of the rival powers, the Spanish succession, as the death of Charles II. was hourly expected, engaged the solicitude of all. But the attention of William, the grand mover of the European system, was called off, before the event took place, to the succession of England, in consequence of the sudden death of the duke of Gloucester, the only surviving child of the princess of Denmark, and the last male heir in the Protestant line. Catholics were excluded from succeeding to the English crown, by the former act of settlement; it therefore became necessary now to proceed to Protestant females; and as there remained no probability of William or the princess of Denmark having any future issue, the eventual succession to the crown was settled, by act of parliament, on the princess Sophia, dutchess dowager of Hanover, and the heirs general of her body, being Protestants.(3) She was granddaughter of James I. by the princess Elizabeth, married to the unfortunate elector Palatine, who was stripped of his dominions by the emperor Frederic II.

This settlement of the crown was accompanied with certain limitations, or provisions for the security of the rights and liberties of the subject, which were supposed to have been overlooked at the revolution. The principal of these were, That all affairs relative to government, cognizable by the privy council, should be submitted to it, and that all resolutions therein taken should be signed by the members who advised or consented to them; that no pardon should be pleadable to any impeachment laid in parliament; that no person, who should possess any office under the king, or receive a pension from the crown, should be capable of sitting in the house of commons; that the commissions of the judges should be rendered permanent, and their salaries be ascertained and established; that, in the event of the crown descending or being transferred to a foreigner, the English nation should not be obliged, without the consent of parliament, to enter into any war, for the defence of territories not depending on the kingdom of England; and that whosoever should come to the possession of the throne, should join in communion with the church of England.(4)

(1) De Torcy, vol. i. Voltaire, Siécle, chap. xi.
(3) Journals, April 14, 1701.

(2) Id. ibid.

(4) Id. ibid.

What time the English were thus settling the succession to their crown, and coolly providing for the security of their liberties, all the free states on the continent were thrown into alarm, by the death of Charles II. of Spain, and his will in favour of the house of Bourbon. Lewis XIV. seemed at first to hesitate, whether he should accept the will or adhere to the treaty of partition. By the latter, France would have received a considerable accession of territory, and have had England and Holland for her allies against the emperor; by the former, she would have the glory of giving a master to her ancient rival, and the prospect of directing, through him, the Spanish councils, at the hazard of having the emperor, England, and Holland for her enemies. This danger was foreseen; but Lewis could not resist the vanity of placing his grandson on the throne of Spain. He accepted the will by the advice of his council;(1) and the duke of Anjou, with the universal consent of the Spanish nation, was crowned at Madrid, under the name of Philip V.

The French monarch, in order to justify his conduct to the king of England and the states-general of the United Provinces, who affected to be highly offended at his breach of faith, very plausibly urged, That the treaty of partition was not likely to answer the ends for which it had been negotiated; that the emperor had refused to accede to it; that it was approved by none of the princes to whom it had been communicated; that the people of England and Holland had expressed their dissatisfaction at the prospect of seeing France put in possession of Naples and Sicily; that the Spaniards were so determined against the division of their monarchy, that there would be a necessity of conquering them, before the treaty could be executed; that the whole Spanish succession would have devolved upon the archduke Charles, if France had rejected the will; the same courier, who brought it, having orders to proceed immediately to Vienna, with such an offer, in case of the refusal of the court of Versailles; that the conservation of the peace of Europe was what his most Christian majesty considered to be the chief object of the contracting parties; and that, true to this principle, he had only departed from the words, that he might the better adhere to the spirit of the treaty.(2)

Though these reasons were by no means satisfactory to William or the states, they cautiously concealed their resentment, as they were not in a condition to support it by any decisive measure. And it has been asserted, with some appearance of truth, that, if they had permitted Philip V. peaceably to enjoy the Spanish throne, he would have become, in a few years, as good a Spaniard as any of the preceding Philips, and have utterly excluded the influence of French councils from the administration of his government; whereas, the confederacy that was afterward formed against him, and the war by which it was followed, threw him wholly into the hands of the French, because their fleets and armies were necessary to his defence, and gave France a sway over the Spanish councils, which she has ever since retained. (3)

It must, however, be confessed, that, independent of prejudice or passion, war was become unavoidable. The securing of commerce and of barriers, the preventing a union of the two powerful monarchies of France and Spain in any future period, and the preserving, to a certain degree, at least, an equilibrium of power, were matters of too much moment to England, Holland, and to Europe in general, to be rested on the moderation of the French, and the vigour of the Spanish councils, under a prince of the house of Bourbon, and a grandson of Lewis XIV. yet in his minority. Aware of this, and conscious of their own inability to defend their extensive dominions, the Spaniards resigned themselves entirely to the guardianship of the French monarch. The regency commanded the viceroys of the provinces to obey his orders: a French squadron anchored in the port of Cadiz; another was sent to the protection of the Spanish settlements in America; and, under

(1) De Torcy, tom. i.

(2) Burnet, book vi. De Torcy, tom. i.

(3) Bolingbroke, Sketch of the Hist. and State of Europe.

pretence that the states were making preparations for war, the court of France was empowered to take possession of the Dutch barrier in Flanders.(1) The elector of Bavaria, uncle to Philip V. and governor of the Spanish Netherlands, introduced on the same day, and at the same hour, French troops into all the barrier towns in Flanders, and seized upon the Dutch forces that were in garrison, to the number of twenty-two battalions. Overwhelmed with consternation at this event, especially when they reflected on their own defenceless condition, and the facility of an invasion from France, the states instantly agreed to acknowledge the new king of Spain; and the French monarch, on receiving a letter to that purpose, ordered their troops to be set at liberty.(2) The king of England still continued obstinate; but having in vain attempted to draw the parliament, which consisted chiefly of tories, and is supposed to have been under the influence of French gold, into his hostile views, he at last found it necessary to acknowledge the duke of Anjou as lawful sovereign of Spain, though Lewis refused to give any other security for the peace of Europe, than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick.(3)

The emperor now, of all the great powers of Europe, alone continued to dispute the title of Philip V. Though Leopold pretended a prior right to the whole Spanish monarchy, he determined at first to confine his views to a part, and fixed upon the dutchy of Milan, which he claimed as a fief of the empire. He accordingly issued his mandate to the inhabitants, commanding their obedience on pain of being considered as rebels. But the prince of Vaudemont, governor of that dutchy, had already submitted himself to the new king of Spain, conformable to the will of Charles II. A body of French troops, at his requisition, had entered the Milanese territory. These were soon followed by a powerful army; and the duke of Savoy, whose daughter Philip had married in order to strengthen his interest on that side, was declared captain-general of the whole.

The emperor, however, was not discouraged by these formidable appearances, from pursuing his claim to the dutchy of Milan. He sent an army of thirty thousand men into Italy, under prince Eugene, who forced the passage of the Adige, along which the French troops were posted; entered their intrenchments at Carpi, and obliged them to cover themselves behind the Mincio.(4) In consequence of this advantage, and others by which it was followed, the imperialists became masters of all the country between the Adige and the Adda: they even penetrated into the territory of Bresciano, and the French found it necessary to retire beyond the Oglio.(5)

The mareschal de Catinat, who was second in command, began to suspect that all the misfortunes of the French, in the field, could not proceed from the superior genius of prince Eugene. He became doubtful of the fidelity of the duke of Savoy, and communicated his suspicions to Lewis XIV., who, not thinking it possible that his interests could be betrayed by a prince so intimately connected with his family, ascribed these surmises to impatience or private disgust, and sent the mareschal de Villeroy to supersede Catinat Anxious to signalize himself by some great action, Villeroy, in concert with the commander-in-chief, attempted to surprise the imperialists in their camp at Chiari; but the duke of Savoy having acquainted prince_Eugene of this design, and of the disposition of the intended attack, the French were repulsed with great loss.(6)

During these operations in Italy, the English and Dutch were engaged in fruitless negotiations with France; which were continued rather to gain time, in order to make preparations for war, than with any hope of preserving the peace of Europe. At last, the departure of the French ambassador, D'Avaux from the Hague, put an end to even the appearance of a negotiation: and the successes of the emperor, though by no means decisive, made his cause

(1) Mem. de Noailles, tom. 1. Burnet, book vi.

(2) Duke of Berwick's Mem. vol. i. Burnet, book vi.

(4) Mem. de Fouquiers.

16) Mercure Hist. et Politique. Contin. P. Daniel. Henault, tom. ii. VOL. II.-U

(3) Id. ibid.

(5) Voltaire, Siècle, chap. xvii,

be viewed with a more favourable eye. He had already secured the elector of Brandenburg, through the channel of his vanity, by dignifying him with the title of king of Prussia. The German princes, in general, were induced to depart from their proposed neutrality. The king of England, though still thwarted by his parliament, had resolved upon a war; and the king of Denmark, gained by a subsidiary treaty, was ready to assist him with a body of troops.(1)

In proportion as Leopold observed the increase of the inclination of the maritime powers for war, he rose in his demands with respect to the terms of the projected alliance. He at one time seemed determined to be satisfied with nothing less than the whole Spanish monarchy; but finding William and the states resolute against engaging in such an ambitious project, he moderated his views, and came into their proposals. They would only undertake to procure for him the Spanish dominions in Italy, and to recover Flanders, as a barrier for Holland. Matters being thus adjusted, the famous treaty, generally known by the name of the GRAND ALLIANCE, was signed by the plenipotentiaries of the emperor, the king of England, and the statesgeneral of the United Provinces.(2) The avowed objects of this treaty were, "The procuring satisfaction to his imperial majesty in regard to the Spanish succession; the obtaining of security to the English and Dutch for their dominions and commerce; the preventing the union of the two great monarchies of France and Spain; and the hindering the French from possessing the Spanish dominions in America." It was also stipulated, that the king of England and the states might retain for themselves whatever lands and cities they should conquer in both Indies. (3) And the contracting powers agreed to employ two months, in attempting to obtain, by amicable means, the satisfaction and security they demanded.

While this confederacy, which afterward lighted, with so much fury, the flames of war in the southern parts of Europe, was forming, the north-east quarter was deeply involved in blood. Charles XII. of Sweden no sooner raised the siege of Copenhagen, in consequence of his treaty with the king of Denmark, in the year 1700, than he turned his arms against the Russians, who had undertaken the siege of Narva, with eighty thousand men. Charles, with only eight thousand men, advanced to the relief of the place; and having carried, without difficulty, all the outposts, he resolved to attack the Russian camp. As soon as the artillery had made a breach in the intrenchments, he accordingly ordered an assault to be made with screwed bayonets, under favour of a storm of snow, which the wind drove full in the face of the enemy. The Russians, for a time, stood the shock with firmness; but, after an engagement of three hours, their intrenchments were forced on all sides, with great slaughter, and Charles entered Narva in triumph.(4) About eight thousand of the enemy were killed in the action; many were drowned in the Narva, by the breaking down of a bridge under the fugitives; near thirty thousand were made prisoners; and all their magazines, artillery, and baggage fell into the hands of the Swedes.(5) Charles dismissed all his prisoners, after disarming them, except the officers, whom he treated with great generosity.

The czar was not present in this battle. He had imprudently, though perhaps fortunately, left his camp, in order to forward the approach of another army, with which he hoped to surround the king of Sweden. When informed of the disaster before Narva, he was chagrined, but not discouraged. "I knew that the Swedes would beat us," said he; "but, in time, they will teach us to become their conquerors."(6) Conformable to this opinion, though at the head of forty thousand men, instead of advancing against the victor, he evacuated all the provinces he had invaded, and led back his raw troops into his own country; where he employed himself in disciplining them, and in civilizing his people, not doubting but he should one day be able to crush his rival.

(1) Burnet. Voltaire. Lamberti. De Torcy. (4) Voltaire, Hist. of Charles XII.

(2) Burnet.

(5) Id. ibid.

(3) Vide Treaty, art. vi.
(6) Voltaire, Hist. Russie, vol.

« PreviousContinue »