inconveniences of such a regulation to the colonies, were not alarmed at its probable effects. They considered the empire only as a tree, whose sap must be returned to the trunk, when it flows too freely to some of the branches.

To all those settlements England thenceforth exported, without a rival, her various manufactures. From her islands in the West Indies they passed to the Spanish main, whence large sums were returned in exchange; and as it was long before her North American colonies began to thing of manufacturing for themselves, the export thither was very great. Nor was her trade confined merely to America and the East and West Indies. Early in the sixteenth century she had opened a beneficial trade to Russia, by discovering a passage round the North Cape; and the ingenuity of her manufacturers, who now excelled the Flemings, to whom the greater part of her wool used formerly to be sold, ensured her a market for her cloths in all the ports of the Mediterranean and the Baltic.

France, though at present so distinguished for her commerce and naval power, was late in establishing any permanent colony. She had yet no settlement in the East Indies: the colony of Canada was only in its infancy; her settlements in Hispaniola were not formed; and the plantations in Martinico and Guadaloupe were very inconsiderable. Nor had her silk manufacture yet attained that high degree of perfection which afterward rendered it so great a source of wealth.(1)

Spain continued to receive annually immense sums from the mines of Mexico and Peru. Contiguous settlements and new governments were daily formed, and the demand for European goods was excessive. But as the decline of their manufactures obliged the Spaniards to depend upon foreigners for the supply of that demand, their wealth became the common property of Europe. The industrious manufacturer of every country had his share; and the conquerors of the New World found themselves dwindle into the factors of England and Holland.

Such, my dear Philip, was the commercial state of Europe when Lewis XIV. assumed the reins of government, and Charles II. was restored to the throne of his ancestors. War continued to rage between the Spaniards and Portuguese; but, after an ambitious struggle of twenty-eight years, Spain was obliged to acknowledge, in 1668, the right of the family of Braganza to the crown of Portugal. The rest of Europe was in peace.

LETTER XII.

A general View of the Affairs of Europe, with a particular Account of those of England, from the Restoration of Charles II., in 1660, to the Triple Alliance,

in 1668.

No prince ever had it more in his power to have rendered himself the favourite of his people, and his people great, flourishing, and happy, than Charles II. of England. They had generously restored him to the regal dignity, without imposing any new limitations on his prerogative. But their late violences, and the torrent of blood which had been shed, too strongly demonstrated their dread of popery, and their hatred of arbitrary sway, to permit a supposition that they would ever tamely suffer any trespass on their civil or religious liberties. If destitute of the sense of justice or of gratitude, the imprudences of his grandfather, the fatal catastrophe of his father, and ten years of exclusion, exile, and adversity, were surely sufficient to have taught him moderation; while the affectionate expressions of loyalty and attachment, which every where saluted his ears, demanded his most warm acknowledgments.

With loyalty, mirth and gayety returned. That gloom which had so long

(1) Raynal, Hist. Philos., &c

overspread the island, gradually disappeared with those fanatical opinions that produced it. And if the king had made a proper use of his political situation, and of those natural and acquired talents which he so abundantly possessed, he might have held, with a high hand, the balance of Europe, and at the same time have restored the English nation (to use the memorable words of my lord Clarendon) to its primitive temper and integrity; to "its old good manners, its old good humour, and its old good nature. But an infatuated desire of governing without control, and also of changing the religion of the two British kingdoms, accompanied with a wasteful prodigality, which nothing could supply, lost him by degrees the hearts of his subjects, as we shall have occasion to see, and, instead of the arbiter of Europe, made him a pensioner of France.

Charles was thirty years of age when he ascended the throne of his ancestors: and, considering his adverse fortune, and the opportunities he had enjoyed of mingling with the world, might have been supposed to be past the levities of youth and the intemperance of appetite. But being endowed with a strong constitution and a great flow of spirits, with a manly figure and an engaging manner, animal love was still his predominant passion, and amusement his chief occupation. He was not, however, incapable of application to business, nor unacquainted with affairs either foreign or domestic; but having been accustomed, during his exile, to live among his courtiers as a companion rather than a monarch, he loved to indulge, even after his restoration, in the pleasures of disengaged society, as well as of unrestrained gallantry, and hated every thing that interfered with those favourite avocations. His example was contagious; a gross sensuality infected the court; and prodigality, debauchery, and irreligion became the characteristics of the younger and more fashionable part of the nation.(1)

The king himself, who appears to have been little under the influence of either moral or religious principles, conscious of his own irregularities, could easily forgive the deviations of others, and admit an excuse for any system of opinions. Hence he gained the profligate by indulgence, at the same time that he chose to flatter, by attentions, the pride of religion and virtue. This accommodating character, which through his whole reign was Charles's chief support, at first raised the highest idea of his judgment and impartiality. Without regard to former distinctions, he admitted into his council the most eminent men of all parties; the presbyterians equally with the royalists shared this honour. Nor was he less impartial in the distribution of honours. Admiral Montague was not only created earl of Sandwich, and Monk duke of Albemarle, promotions that might have been expected; but Annesley was created earl of Anglesey; Ashley Cooper, lord Ashley; and Denzil Hollis, lord Hollis.

Whatever might be the king's motive for such a conduct, whether a desire of lasting popularity, or merely of serving a temporary purpose, it must be allowed to have been truly political, as it contributed not only to banish the remembrance of past animosities, but to attach the leaders of the presbyterians; who, besides having a principle share in the restoration, were formidable by their numbers as well as by their property, and declared enemies to the independents, and other republican sectaries. But the choice which Charles made of his ministers and principal servants more especially prognosticated future happiness and tranquillity, and gave sincere pleasure to all the true friends of the constitution. Sir Edward Hyde, created earl of Clarendon, was made lord chancellor. He had been bred to the law, possessed great talents, was indefatigable in business, and very fit for the place of prime minister. The marquis, created duke of Ormond, less remarkable for his talents than his courtly accomplishments, his honour, and his fidelity, was constituted steward of the household; the earl of Southampton, a man of abilities and integrity, was appointed lord treasurer, and sir Edward Nicholas

(1) Burnet, vol. i. book ii.

and Mr. Morrice secretaries of state. The secretaries were both men of learning and virtue, but little acquainted with foreign affairs.(1)

These ministers entered into a free and open correspondence with the leading members of both houses; in consequence of which the convention (as the assembly that accomplished the restoration had been hitherto called, by being summoned without the king's authority) received the name of a parliament. All juridical degrees, passed during the commonwealth or protectorship, were affirmed; and an act of indemnity was passed, conformable to the king's declaration from Breda. In that declaration Charles had wisely referred all exceptions to the parliament, which excluded such as had any immediate hand in the late king's death. Only six of the regicides, however, with four others, who had been abettors of their treason, were executed. The rest made their escape, were pardoned, or confined in different prisons. They all behaved with great firmness, and seemed to consider themselves as martyrs to their civil and religious principles.(2)

Lambert and Vane, though not immediately concerned in the late king's death, were also attainted. Lambert was pardoned, in consequence of his submission; but Vane, on account of his presumptuous behaviour during his trial, was executed.(3) The same lenity was extended to Scotland; where only the marquis of Argyle, and one Guthery, a seditious preacher, were executed. Argyle's case was thought peculiarly hard; but as Guthery had personally insulted the king, as well as pursued a conduct subversive of all legal authority, his fate was lamented only by the wildest fanatics.(4)

Notwithstanding these expiatory sacrifices, Charles's government was, for a time, remarkably mild and equitable. The first measure that excited any alarm was the act of uniformity.

Had the convention-parliament, from a jealousy of royal power, exacted any conditions from the king, on his restoration, the establishment of the presbyterian discipline would certainly have been one of them: not only because more favourable to civil liberty than episcopacy, in the opinion of the people, but more conformable to the theological ideas of the greater number of the members. No such stipulation, however, having been required, the church of England had good reason to expect that the hierarchy would recover its ancient rights, and again appear with undiminished splendour, as well as the monarchy. Charles, to whom the business of religion was wholly left, though inclined to revive episcopacy, was at a loss how to proceed. The presbyterians, from their recent services, had claims upon his gratitude, and the episcopal clergy from their loyalty and former sufferings, in consequence of their attachment to the royal cause. As he wished to gain all parties, by disobliging none, he conducted himself with great moderation. At the same time that he restored the ejected clergy, and ordered the liturgy to be received into the churches, he issued a declaration, in which he promised, that the bishops should all be regular and constant preachers; that they should not confer ordination, or exercise any jurisdiction, without the advice and assistance of presbyters, chosen by the diocess; that such alterations should be made in the liturgy as would render it totally unexceptionable; and that, in the mean time, the episcopal mode of worship should not be imposed on those who were unwilling to receive it.(5)

Such was the state of the church at the dissolution of the convention-parliament; which, while it guarded the legal rights of the crown, lately so violently invaded, never lost sight of the liberty of the subject, but maintained the happy medium between high prerogative and licentious freedom. The new parliament was of a very different complexion. The royalists, seconded by the influence of the crown, had prevailed in most elections. Not above seventy members of the presbyterian party obtained seats in the house of commons; and these not being able either to oppose or retard the measures

(1) Burnet, vol. i. book ii.

(4) Burnet, ubi sup.

(2) State Trials, vol. ii.
(5) Parl. Hist. vol, xxiii.

(3) Id. ibid

of the court, monarchy and episcopacy were now as much exalted as they had formerly been depressed.

An act was immediately passed for the security of the king's person and government, containing many severe clauses; and as the bishops, though restored to their spiritual authority, were still excluded from parliament, in consequence of a law passed by Charles I. immediately before the civil wars, that act was now repealed, and they were permitted to resume their seats in the house of lords. But what most remarkably manifested the zeal of the parliament for the church and monarchy was the act of uniformity, and the repeal of the triennial act. Instead of the exact stipulations of the latter, a general clause provided, that parliaments should not be interrupted above three years at most. By the act of uniformity it was required, that every clergyman, capable of holding a benefice, should possess episcopal ordination; should declare his assent to every thing contained in the Book of Common Prayer; should take the oath of canonical obedience, abjure the solemn league and covenant, and renounce the principle of taking arms against the king, on any pretence whatsoever.(1)

Thus was the church reinstated in her former power and splendour; and as the old persecuting laws subsisted in their full rigour, and even new clauses of a like nature were now enacted, all the king's promises of toleration and indulgence to tender consciences, in his declaration from Breda, were thereby eluded and broken. The more zealous of the presbyterian clergymen, however, resolved to refuse the subscription, be the consequences what they might; though there is no doubt but they flattered themselves, that the bishops would not dare to expel so great a number of the most popular preachers in the kingdom. But in this hope they were deceived. The church, anticipating the pleasure of retaliation, had made the terms of subscription rigid, on purpose to disgust all the scrupulous presbyterians, and deprive them of their livings;(2) and the court beheld, with equal satisfaction and astonishment, two thousand of the clergy, in one day, relinquish their cures, and sacrifice their interest to their religious opinions.

This measure, which united the Protestant dissenters in a common hatred of the church, and roused in the church a spirit of intolerance and persecution, was peculiarly impolitic and imprudent, as well as violent and unjust; more especially as the opportunity seemed fair for taking advantage of the resentments of the presbyterians against the republican sectaries, and to draw them, without persecuting the others, by the cords of love, into the pale of the church, instead of driving them back by severe usage into their ancient confederacies. A small relaxation in the terms of communion would certainly have been sufficient for that purpose. But the royal family and the Catholics, whose influence was great at court, had other views, with which the nation was then unacquainted, and which it must now be our business to unfold.

Charles, during his exile, had not only imbibed strong prejudices in favour of the Catholic religion, but had even been secretly reconciled in form to the church of Rome. (3) His brother, the duke of York, however, was a more sincere convert. James had zealously adopted all the absurd and pernicious principles of popery; and as he had acquired a great ascendant over the king, by his talent for business, the severities in the act of uniformity had been chiefly suggested by him and the earl of Bristol, also a zealous Catholic and a favourite at court. Sensible that undisguised popery could claim no legal indulgence, they inflamed the church party against the presbyterians; they encouraged the presbyterians to stand out; and when, in consequence of these artifices, they saw so numerous and popular a body of the clergy ejected, they formed the plan of a general toleration, in hopes that the hated sect of the Catholics might pass unobserved in the crowd, and enjoy the same liberty with the rest.

The king, who had this measure more at heart than could have been (1) Parl. Hist. vol. xxiii.

(2) Burnet, vol. i. book ii.

(3) Burnet, book 1.

expected from his seeming indifference to all religions, accordingly issued a declaration, under pretence of mitigating the rigours contained in the act of uniformity. After mentioning the promises of liberty of conscience contained in his declaration from Breda, he added, that although, in the first place, he had been zealous to settle the uniformity of the church of England, which he should ever maintain; yet in regard to the penalties upon those who do not conform thereunto, through scruple of conscience, but modestly and without scandal perform their devotions in their own way, he should make it his special care, so far as in him lay, without invading the freedom of parliament, to incline the members to concur with him in framing such an act for that purpose, as might enable him to exercise with more universal' satisfaction that dispensing power, which he conceived to be inherent in him.(1) The parliament, however, alarmed at the idea of a dispensing power in the crown, and having a glimpse of the object for which it was to be exercised, came to a resolution, that the indulgence proposed would prove most pernicious both to church and state; would open a door to schism, encourage faction, disturb the public peace, and discredit the wisdom of the legislature. (2) And the court, having already gained so many points, judged it necessary to lay aside for a time the project of toleration, In the mean time, the ejected clergymen were prosecuted with unrelenting rigour; severe laws being enacted, not only against conventicles, but against any non-conforming teacher coming within five miles of a corporation.

The presbyterians in Scotland did not experience more favour than those in England. As Charles had made them no promises before his restoration, he resolved to pursue the absurd policy of his father and grandfather, of establishing episcopacy in that kingdom. In this resolution he was confirmed by his antipathy against the Scottish ecclesiastics, on account of the insults which he had received while among them. He therefore replied to the earl of Lauderdale, with more pertness than judgment, when pressed to establish presbytery, that, "it was not a religion for a gentleman!" and he could not agree to its farther continuance in Scotland.(3) Such a reason might have suited a fop in his dressing-room, or a jolly companion over his bottle, but was very unworthy of the head of a great monarchy. The consequences were such as might have been foreseen. A vast majority of the Scottish nation looked up with horror to the king and his ministers, and exposed themselves to the most severe persecutions rather than relinquish their form of worship.(4)

Certain political measures conspired with those of religion to diminish that popularity which the king had enjoyed at his restoration. His marriage with Catharine of Portugal, to which he was chiefly prompted by the largeness of her portion,(5) was by no means agreeable to his subjects, who were desirous, above all things, of his marrying a Protestant princess. The sale of Dunkirk to France, in order to supply his prodigality, occasioned universal disgust (6) and the Dutch war, in which he is said to have engaged with a view of diverting part of the parliamentary aids to the supply of his own profusions, contributed still farther to increase the public dissatisfaction. The particulars of that war it must now be our business to relate.

The reasons assigned for commencing hostilities against the United Provinces were, the depredations committed by the subjects of that republic upon the English traders in different parts of the world. But, unfortunately for Charles, these depredations, though sufficient to call up the keenest resentment, had all preceded the year 1662, when a treaty of league and

(1) Kennet's Register, p. 850.

(3. Burnet, vol. i. book ii.

(2) Parl. Hist. vol. xxiii.
(4) Id. ibid.

(5) He received with her five hundred thousand pounds sterling, the settlement of Bombay in the East Indies, and the fortress of Tangier on the coast of Africa.

(6) The sale of Dunkirk, though stigmatized as one of the worst measures of Charles's reign, was more blameable as a mark of meanness in the king than on account of its detriment to the nation. The charge of maintaining that fortress was very great, and the benefit arising from it small. It had then no harbour to receive vessels of burden; and Lewis XIV., who was a judge of such acquisitions, and who first made it a good seaport, thought he had made a hard bargain, when he paid four hundred thousand pounds for it D'Estrades's Letters.