107 these had arrived safe; and Charles, finding that the urgent necessities of his situation would no longer admit of delay, prepared himself for defence, and roused his adherents to arms, with a spirit, activity, and address that alike surprised his friends and enemies. The resources of his genius on this, as on all other occasions, seemed to increase in proportion to the obstacles to be overcome. He never appeared so great as when plunged in distress or surrounded with perils. The commons, however, conscious of their superiority in force, and determined to take advantage of it, yet desirous to preserve the appearance of a pacific disposition, sent the king conditions on which they were willing to come to an agreement, but to which they knew he would not submit. Their demands, contained in nineteen propositions, amounted to a total abolition of monarchical government, and would have involved in ruin the whole royal party. They required, that no man should remain in the privy council who had not the approbation of parliament; that no deed of the sovereign should have validity, unless it passed that council, and was attested under its seal; that all the principal officers of state and chief judges should be chosen with consent of parliament, and enjoy their offices during life; that none of the royal family should marry without consent of both houses of parliament; that the laws should be executed against Catholics; that the votes of popish lords should be excluded; that the reformation of the liturgy and church government should have place, according to the advice of parliament; that the parliamentary ordinance, with regard to the militia, be submitted to; that the justice of parliament pass upon all delinquents; that a general pardon be granted for all past offences, with such exceptions as shall be advised by parliament; that the forts and castles be disposed of by consent of parliament; and that no peers be made but with the concurrence of both houses.(1) "Should I grant these demands," said Charles, in his animated reply, "I may be waited on bareheaded; I may have my hand kissed; the title of majesty may be continued to me; and the king's authority, signified by both houses, may still be the style of your commands: I may have swords and maces carried before me, and please myself with the sight of a crown and sceptre (though even these twigs would not long flourish, when the stock upon which they grew was dead); but as to true and real power, I should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a king."(2) He accordingly resolved to support his authority by arms; war, at any disadvantage, being esteemed preferable, by himself and all his counsellors, to so ignominious a peace. Collecting therefore some forces, and advancing southward, he erected his royal standard at Nottingham. This being considered as the open signal of discord and civil war throughout the kingdom, the abettors of the adverse parties began now more distinctly to separate themselves: and when two names so sacred in the English constitution as those of KING and PARLIAMENT, were placed in opposition to each other, little wonder the people were divided in their choice, and agitated with the most violent animosities! The greater part of the nobility, and the gentlemen of ancient families, fearing a total confusion of ranks from the fury of the populace, attached themselves to the throne, from which they derived their lustre, and to which it was again communicated. Proud of their birth, of their consequence in the state, and of the loyalty and virtue of their ancestors, they zealously adhered to the cause of their sovereign; which was also supported by most men of a liberal education, or a liberal way of thinking, and by all who wished well to the church and monarchy. But, on the other hand, as the veneration for the commons was extreme throughout the kingdom, and the aversion against the hierarchy general, the city of London, and most of the great corporations, took part with the parliament, and adopted with ardour those principles of freedom, on which that assembly had originally founded (1) Rushworth, vol. v. May book ii (2) Id. ibid. its pretensions, and under colour of maintaining which it had taken up arms. Besides these corporations, many families that had lately been enriched by commerce, seeing with envious eyes the superior homage paid to the nobility and elder gentry, eagerly undertook the exaltation of a power, under whose dominion they hoped to acquire rank and distinction.(1) Thus determined in their choice, both parties, putting a close to argument, now referred the justice of their cause to the decision of the sword. LETTER VI. Great Britain and Ireland, from the Commencement of the Civil War to the Battle of Naseby, in 1645. No contest ever seemed more unequal, my dear Philip, than that between Charles I. and his parliament, when the sword was first drawn. Almost every advantage lay on the side of the latter. The parliamentary party being in possession of the legal means of supply, and of all the seaports except Newcastle; the customs yielded them a certain and considerable sum; and all contributions, loans, and impositions were more easily raised by the cities, which possessed the ready money, and were also chiefly in their hands, than they could be by the nobility and gentry, who adhered to the king. The seamen naturally followed the disposition of the seaports to which they belonged; and the earl of Northumberland, lord high-admiral, having engaged in the cause of the commons, had named, at their desire, the earl of Warwick as his lieutenant. Warwick at once established his authority in the fleet, and kept the entire dominion of the sea in the hands of his party. They were likewise in possession of all the magazines of arms and ammunition in the kingdom, and had intercepted part of the stores the queen had purchased in Holland. The king's only hope of counterbalancing so many advantages, on the part of his adversaries, arose from the supposed superiority of his adherents in mental and personal qualities. More courage and enterprise were expected from the generous and lofty spirit of the ancient nobility and gentry than from the base-born vulgar. Nor was it doubted but their tenants, whom they levied and armed at their own expense, would greatly surpass in valour and force the sedentary and enervated inhabitants of cities. But, in making this comparison, the mysterious and elevating influence of the double enthusiasm of religion and liberty was forgotten: a kind of holy fury, arising from apprehensions of danger, and a confidence in supernatural aid, which, accompanied with supposed illuminations, inspires the daring fanatic with the most romantic bravery, and enables him to perform such acts of prowess as transcend the common standard of humanity, confirm him in his belief of divine assistance, impel him to future exertions, and render his valour irresistible, when directed against those whom he regards as the enemies of God and of his country. Of the power of this enthusiastic energy, in animating the most grovelling minds, Charles had unhappily too much reason to become acquainted, during his hostile struggle for dominion; and to learn, from fatal experience, in many a hard fought field, that it was not inferior in efficacy even to the courage connected with greatness of soul or infused by nobility of birth. At present he had a contemptible idea of the parliamentary party, considered as individuals; but their numbers, their resources, and their military preparations were sufficient to fill him with the most awful apprehensions. He declared, however, against all advances towards an accommodation. "I have nothing left but my honour," said he; "and this last possession I am firmly resolved to preserve, and rather to perish than yield any farther to the pretensions of a) Clarendon, vol. iii. 66 my enemies."(1) But he was induced, by the earnest solicitations of his friends, to relax in his purpose; and, in order to gain time, as well as to manifest a pacific disposition, to send ambassadors to the parliament with offers of treaty, before he began hostilities. The conduct of the parliament justified Charles's opinion. Both houses replied, “That they could not treat with the king until he took down his standard, and recalled his proclamations," in which the members supposed themselves to be declared traitors; and when, by a second message, he offered to recall those proclamations, they desired him to dismiss his forces, to reside with his parliament, and to give up delinquents to justice;(2) or, in other words, to abandon himself and his friends to the mercy of his enemies. Hoping that the people were now fully convinced of the insolence of the parliament, and its aversion against peace, the king made vigorous preparations for war. Aware, however, that he was not yet able to oppose the parliamentary army, which was commanded by the earl of Essex, he left Nottingham, and retired, by slow marches, first to Derby, and afterward to Shrewsbury. At Wellington, in that neighbourhood, he collected his forces, and made the following declaration before the whole army: "I do promise, in the presence of Almighty God, and as I hope for his blessing and protection, that I will, to the utmost of my power, defend and maintain the true reformed Protestant religion, established in the church of England; and, by the grace of God, in the same will live and die. "I desire that the laws may ever be the measure of my government, and that the liberty and property of the subject may be preserved by them with the same care as my own just right; and if it please God, by his blessing on this army, raised for my necessary defence, to preserve me from the present rebellion, I do solemnly and faithfully promise, in the sight of God, to maintain the just privileges and freedom of parliament, and to govern, to the utmost of my power, by the known statutes and customs of the kingdom; and, particularly, to observe inviolably the laws to which I have given my consent this parliament. Meanwhile, if this emergency, and the great necessity to which I am driven, beget any violation of law, I hope it will be imputed, by God and man, to the authors of this war; not to me, who have so earnestly laboured to preserve the peace of the kingdom."(3) This declaration, which was considered as a sacred engagement on the part of the king, was received with the warmest expressions of approbation and gratitude, by the generous train of nobility and gentry by whom he was attended; and who, in the hope of his submitting to a legal and limited government, had alone been induced to take the field, with a resolution of sacrificing their lives and fortunes in his defence. They were in general no less animated with the spirit of liberty than of loyalty, and held in contempt the high monarchical principles. Charles was received at Shrewsbury with marks of duty and affection; and his army increased so fast, while it lay there, that he soon found himself at the head of ten thousand men. With these he resolved to give battle to the army of the parliament, as he heard it was daily augmented with recruits from London. He accordingly directed his march towards the capital, in order to bring on an engagement. Essex was prepared to oppose him. The two armies met on Edgehill, near Keinton in Warwickshire, where a desperate battle was fought. The earl of Lindsay was general of the royal army; prince Rupert son of the unfortunate elector palatine, commanded the horse; sir Jacob Astley the foot; sir Arthur Aston the dragoons; sir John Heyden the artillery; and lord Bernard Stuart was at the head of a troop of guards, whose estates, according to the computation of lord Clarendon, were equal in value to those of all the members who, at the commencement of hostilities, voted against the king in both houses of parliament. Essex drew up his army with judgment; but in consequence of the desertion of a troop of horse, under sir Faithful Fortescue, and the furious shock made upon them by prince (Clarendon, vol. iii. (2) Rushworth, vol. v. (3) Clarendon, vol. ili. Rupert, his whole left wing of cavalry immediately gave way, and was pursued two miles. Nor did better fortune attend the right wing of the parliamentary army, which was also broken and put to flight. The victory must now have been decisive in favour of the royalists, had not the king's body of reserve, commanded by sir John Biron, heedlessly joined in the pursuit. The advantage afforded by this imprudence being perceived by sir William Balfour, who commanded Essex's reserve, he immediately wheeled about upon the king's infantry, now quite destitute of horse, and made great havoc among them. Lord Lindsay, the general, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner; and his son, in endeavouring to rescue him, fell likewise into the enemy's hands. Sir Edward Verney, who carried the king's standard, was killed; the standard was taken, and the king himself was in danger. The standard was afterward recovered by the valour of captain John Smith, but the situation of affairs was not changed. Every thing, on the appearance of prince Rupert, wore the appearance of a defeat rather than of a complete victory, which he thought had been gained. His troops were too much fatigued to renew the charge, and the enemy did not provoke him to it, though both parties faced each other for some time. night they lay on their arms, and next morning drew off, by a kind of mutual consent, neither side having spirit for a fresh action. Essex retired to Warwick castle, and the king returned to his former quarters, near Bambury.(1) Five thousand men were found dead on the field, and the loss of the two armies, from comparing opposite accounts, appears to have been nearly equal. The troops of both parties suffered much by cold during the night after the engagement. All Though this first battle was so little decisive, that the parliament claimed the victory as well as the king, it was of great service to the royal cause. Charles immediately made himself master of Bambury; and, as soon as his army was recruited and refreshed, he advanced to Reading; the governor and garrison of which place, on the approach of a detachment of royalists, had fled with precipitation to London. The capital was struck with terror, and the parliament voted an address for a treaty; but as no cessation for hostilities had been agreed on, the king continued to advance, and took possession of Brentford. By this time Essex had reached London, and the declining season put a stop to farther operations.(2) During the winter, the king and parliament were employed in real preparations for war, but in seeming advances towards peace. Oxford, where the king resided, was chosen as the place of treaty. Thither the parliament sent their requisitions by the earl of Northumberland, and four members of the lower house, who acted as commissioners. They abated somewhat of those extravagant demands they had formerly made; but their claims were still too high to admit of an amicable accommodation, unless the king had been willing to renounce the most essential branches of his prerogative. Besides other humiliating articles, they required him, in express terms, utterly to abolish episcopacy; a demand which before they had only insinuated. They insisted, that he should submit to the punishment of his most faithful servants: and they desired him to acquiesce in their settlement of the militia, and to confer on their adherents the entire power of the sword. (3) The negotiation, as may be naturally supposed, served only for a time to amuse both parties. Meanwhile, each county, each town, and almost each family. was divided within itself, and the most violent convulsions shook the whole kingdom. Continual efforts were every where made, by both parties, to surmount each other, even after the season of action was over. The earl of Newcastle, who commanded for the king in Yorkshire, gained several advantages over the parliamentary forces, and established the royal authority in all the northern counties. Actions still more memorable were performed in the south and (1) May, book iii. Clarendon, vol. iii. (2) Whitlocke, p. 60. west. Sir William Waller, who began now to distinguish himself among the generals of the parliament, defeated lord Herbert near Gloucester, and took the city of Hereford. On the other side, sir Ralph Hopton made himself master of Launceston, and reduced all Cornwall to peace and obedience under the king.(1) Early in the spring, Reading was besieged and taken by the parliamentary army, commanded by the earl of Essex. Being joined soon after by the forces under sir William Waller, Essex marched towards Oxford, with a view of attacking the king, who was supposed to be in great distress for want of ammunition. But Charles, informed of his design, and of the loose disposition of his forces, despatched prince Rupert with a party of horse to annoy them; and that gallant leader, who was perfectly fitted for such a service, falling suddenly upon the dispersed bodies of Essex's army, routed two regiments of cavalry, and one of infantry, and carried his ravages almost to the general's quarters at Tame. Essex took the alarm, and despatched part of his cavalry in pursuit of the prince. They were joined by a regiment of infantry, under the famous John Hambden, who had acted as a colonel from the beginning of the civil war, and distinguished himself no less in the field than in the senate. On the skirts of Calsgrave field they overtook the royalists, who were loaded with booty. The prince wheeled about, however, and charged them with such impetuosity, that they were obliged to save themselves by flight, after having lost some of their best officers; and, among the rest, the much valued and much dreaded Hambden, who was mortally wounded, and died soon after in great agonies.(2) He is said to have received his wound by the bursting of one of his own pistols. The royal cause was supported with no less spirit in the western counties. The king's adherents in Cornwall, notwithstanding their early successes, had been obliged to enter into a convention of neutrality with the parliamentary party in Devonshire. This neutrality lasted during the winter, but was broken in the spring, by the authority of the parliament; and the earl of Stamford, having assembled an army of near seven thousand men, well supplied with money, ammunition, and provisions, entered Cornwall, and advanced upon the royalists, who were not half his number, and oppressed by every kind of necessity. He encamped on the top of a hill, near Stratton, and detached sir George Chudleigh with twelve hundred horse, to surprise Bodmin. The Cornish royalists, commanded by the principal men of the county, seized this opportunity of extricating themselves, by one vigorous effort, from all the dangers and difficulties with which they were surrounded. They boldly advanced up the hill, on which Stamford was encamped in four different divisions, and after an obstinate struggle, still pressing nearer and nearer, all met upon the plain at the top, where they embraced with great joy, and signalized their victory with loud shouts and mutual congratulations.(3) The attention of both parties was now turned towards the west. The king sent the marquis of Hertford, and prince Maurice, brother to prince Rupert, with a reinforcement of cavalry into Cornwall. Being joined by the Cornish army, they soon overran the county of Devon, and advancing into Somersetshire, began to reduce it also to obedience. In the mean time, the parliament having supplied sir William Waller, in whom they had great confidence, with a complete army, despatched him into the same county, in order to check the progress of the royalists, and retrieve their affairs in that quarter. After some skirmishes, in which the royalists had the advantage, the two armies met at Lansdown hill, which Waller had fortified. a pitched battle was fought, with great loss on both sides, but without any decisive advantage; for although the royalists, after an obstinate engagement, gained the top of the hill, and beat the enemy from their ground, the (1) Clarendon, vol. iii. Rushworth, vol. vi (2) Warwick's Memoirs. There |