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in confirmation of those doctrines which their own good sense has already suggested.

For a third proof we refer, with still greater satisfaction, to the immense array of talent which has sprung up in defence of the Constitution. The speeches of the majority in the Lords, and the minority in the Commons, are indeed a proud monument of the talent which her free institutions have nursed up among the highest classes of the British people. The vast ability of the Anti-reform publications, which are daily issuing from the press in detached pamphlets or periodical publications, demonstrates the numerous and intelligent class from which it is drawn. Such talent is the fruit of an extended cultivation; there is not one man in fifty born with real ability; where it appears prominent on one side, it is certain that the great bulk of the national talent has taken that direction.

To render this reaction and talent available to the great cause of saving the country, let the Anti-reformers remain as they now are, perfectly united among each other-let them do their utmost individually and collectively to counteract the poison which the Reformers have so generally spread through the nation; and let them be ready the moment that the signal is given-by the profound wisdom and consummate ability which presides over the glorious struggle for the Constitution, as over the long and arduous contest in Spain to unite in any means of evincing their united opinioni n firm but respectful language to the legislature.

If we were to judge, indeed, of the feelings of the majority of the people from the language of the reforming journals, the intemperate and seditious harangues at public meetings, or the boastful speeches of the adherents of Reform in the legislature, there would appear little hope of saving the country; but nothing can be clearer than that that is a most fallacious test to assume. The noisy, the vain, and the declamatory-the impetuous, the thoughtless, and the indigent-the ignorant, the reckless, and the desperate, are indeed, in all great towns, leagued together in support of Reform. They constitute a

loud and clamorous, but by no means a numerous portion of the community, taken as a whole. They outnumber the rational, sober, and industrious, in great towns; but in the country they are few in comparison. Five hundred thousand men, out of twenty-five millions, are amply sufficient to account for all the clamour which has been raised. A greater number than this may have attended the whole Reform meetings; but two-thirds of the persons present, all in the open air, were women and children, and of the men, a great proportion went from curiosity to hear the speeches, without any decided wish one way or the other.

It is astonishing to what an extent delusion and misrepresentation prevail on this subject. Lord Brougham said in the House of Peers, that all the men in Edinburgh capable of bearing arms were in favour of Reform; whereas it may confidently be asserted, that two-thirds of the educated intelligence, and ninetenths of the wealth, are on the other side. The Political Union there was trumpeted forth in the English papers as assembling 20,000 men, whereas it does not consist of 300, and does not embrace more than two or three gentlemen, and not one, now that the historian of Cromwell has left it, distinguished for his talent or abilities. The meeting in the PalaceYard at York, was held forth as an unequivocal demonstration of the sense of that great county; whereas we know, from personal observation, that there were not 1500 persons present, almost all of the lowest rank, and that five shillings a-piece was the gratuity given to most of the workmen to induce them to attend. Much was said of the great meeting of 150,000 persons near Birmingham, whereas there were not above 40,000, of whom the majority were women and children; and two-thirds of the men went there from mere curiosity, and neither knew nor understood what was going on. It is the same with all the other meetings-they were merely got up to prop up Ministers after their defeat in the House of Peers: the excitement has been industriously maintained by their emissaries; but the great bulk of the people who attended them, went from mere curiosity, and would

go to any other meetings which flattered their passions, or promised them the prospect of spoliation and democratic power.

It is from the same cause that the strength of the conservative party is grievously underrated, from the siTent and secluded habits to which the great bulk of that class have been habituated. People ask why, if the Tories are so strong, they do not call public meetings and address Parliament? The reason is, that it is entirely foreign to their habits, and nothing will overcome their habits but the most imminent danger.-The noisy, the vain, and the aspiring-all who have the itch of public speaking, have already taken the popular side, for this plain reason, that it is more agreeable to be applauded than hissed by the populace; and the quiet, industrious, unobtrusive class, who constitute the great body of the constitutional party, have neither the disposition nor the qualities to take a lead in such tumultuous proceedings. They form the strength, the support, and the nerve of the state; they feed its people, maintain its government, and in the end rule its determinations; but they are noways qualified to compete in producing a public impression at a particular moment, with a fifth part of their number composed of the needy, clamorous, and vain-glorious set who constitute the great body of the reforming party.

One great good has already resulted from the noble stand made by the Peers against the flood of democracy; that it has made the mask drop from the faces of the Radical faction, and put an end to that boasted union of Reformers in support of the Bill, of which so much use has been made in forcing it upon the legislature. We always said that this union was mere hypocrisy -that the great body of the Reformers regarded the Bill only as the stepping-stone to something else -that the moment it was passed, they would break out into fierce dissension with each other-and that the movement party would prevail against the moderate Reformers, by the same artifices, and the same vehement outcry, as they had already used with such effect against the

Tories. The event has justified our prediction. The firm and able resistance in the Commons, and the intrepid stand in the Lords, have unmasked the real motives and designs of the movement men. Their ultimate objects stand confessedthey make no attempt to conceal that they take the Bill as part payment only—as seven shillings in the pound-because it will so strengthen their sinews of war as to render full payment, in a few years, a matter of certainty. The Political Union, and Conduit Fields Meeting, openly demand universal suffrage, annual Parliaments, vote by ballot, and the abolition of all distinctions of birth; and the same doctrines are held by the Unions at Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield, Preston, Bolton, and elsewhere. It is utterly ludicrous, therefore, to pretend that the passing of the Reform Bill will prove any settlement of the question, or any mitigation of the severe distress consequent on Re. form. So far from tranquillizing, it will only agitate with greater violence the public mind, by the increased influence on elections which it will vest in the populace, and the dearer interests of society which will then become the object of attack.

Mr Cobbett has announced, in thirteen propositions, what are the ulterior objects which the Radical Reformers are resolved to achieve as soon as Reform is carried. They are so singularly characteristic of the ultimate tendency and objects of the movement party, that we make the following abstract of their cou

tents:

1. To put an end to all pensions, sinecures, allowances, half-pay, and all other emoluments now paid out of the taxes, except for such public services, as, on a very scrupulous examination, may be found to merit them.

2. To discharge the standing army. 3. To make the counties equip and maintain a militia on the American plan.

4. To abolish tithes, and leave the clergy only the churches, the churchyards, and the ancient glebes.

5. To apply all the rest of the church property, of every sort, and all the crown lands, to the payment of the national debt.

6. To cease, at the end of two years after June 1832, to pay any interest on the national debt.

7. To divide the church property among the fundholders, and give them nothing more.

8. To make an equitable adjust ment of all money contracts between man and man.

9. To abolish all internal taxes, except on land, whether direct or indirect.

10. To lay on as much CustomHouse duties as are consistent with the interests of commerce, and no

more.

11. To provide for a powerful

navy.

12. To make a generous allowance to the King and royal family.

13. To value all the property in the kingdom, and collect the taxes at an allowance not exceeding L.400 a-year in any one county.*

Now, these being the avowed principles of the Radical Reformers, was ever delusion so deplorable, as that the "bill," or an " equally efficient bill," is to be a "final settlement of the question;" or that the agitation and disquietude under which the nation now so grievously labours, is to be any thing but immensely increased, when in a Reformed Parliament these propositions are to be brought forward? Is the public anxiety, and the distress consequent on decreasing employment, likely to diminish, when these propositions, affecting the existence of every man of property in the kingdom, are pressed upon the Reformed Legislature by their imperious radical constituents, backed by a radical Press, and radical Political Unions in every city in the empire? The general liberation of debtor from creditor, and destruction of the funds, which are there seriously brought forward, are particularly worthy of notice by all the Reformers now possessing pro

perty, who are exerting their influence for the promotion of Lord Grey's Bill.

From the sickening scene of concession, intimidation, and submission, which our Reformers evinced to the mandates of the rabble, we turn with pleasure and pride to the manly and energetic conduct of Lord Wharncliffe with the Yorkshire yeomanry. A paragraph made the round of the reforming papers, stating that the privates of his regiment had required him to resign the command, as his opinions were so adverse to theirs on the great question. A Whig commander, on the system of concession, would immediately have done so, and palsied by such an act that great force through the country; but Lord Wharncliffe was not such a man. He assembled his regiment-explained to the refractory members, who were thirty-two in number only, and had been led by a

druggist-that they had rendered themselves amenable, by such an act, to military punishment, but that he preferred dismissing them from the regiment, which was immediately done amidst the applause of the corps, and their place supplied by an equal number of active young men, of the true patriotic race. Such is the true way to meet such conduct. Let none who mingle the spi rit of faction with military duty or civil guardianship, ever wear the British uniform-let them be stripped of the colours of British glory, and banished from the standards of Azincour and Waterloo-and let none assemble round those venerated ensigns, but such as know how to separate civil division from patriotic duty, and recollect the words of the greatest and best of modern Republicans, Carnot, "the armed force is essentially obedient-it acts, but never deliberates."

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FOREIGN POLICY OF THE WHIGS.

No. II.

PORTUGAL.

THE frequent reference to the wis dom of our ancestors is a constant object of ridicule to the Whigs; but let them be of good cheer, the disease is in a rapid course of cure: our posterity will never speak of our wisdom.

We endeavoured to point out, in a former Number,* the extraordinary and inconceivable infatuation which has come over our rulers in regard to the Belgian question, and the disastrous consequences which must ensue in future, as has occurred in time past, from the demolition of the fortresses which have been erected on the Flemish frontier to curb the ambitious designs of France. We showed from the experience of all former wars, that it is in Flanders that the battle of European independence must be fought; that the moment it is overrun, the armies of that restless power are in possession of a salient angle, from which they threaten alike Vienna and Berlin, and that, paradoxical as it may appear, experience demonstrates it to be true, that it requires less exertion for its armies to march from the Rhine to the Niemen than from Cambray to the Rhine. The reason is, that the fortresses on the Rhine give them such a powerful base for offensive operations, and that when they pass that stream they find themselves among a number of small and powerless states which can offer no effectual obstacle to their ambition, but, on the contrary, yield to the invader, and enable them to organize one-half of Germany against the

other.

Since that time nothing has occurred to weaken, but every thing to strengthen our observations. By a vigorous resistance to the unjustifiable partition with which he was menaced, indeed, the King of Holland seems to have got somewhat better terms from the allied powers than those which were formerly demanded from him. Maestricht, the old frontier town of Holland, is no

longer to be severed from his dominions, and he is to retain the fortress and part of the territory of Luxembourg. This was obtained, not in consequence of English interference, but in spite of it;-the British fleet sailed to Antwerp to assail its oldest ally at the same time that the French soldiers crossed in triumph the field of Waterloo, rejoicing at the changes which human folly can work in na tional affairs, and hardly believing their own eyes when they saw British hands preparing to surrender the dear-bought trophies of an hundred victories. But the patriotism and valour of the Dutch had righted their cause, so far as it could be done against such fearful odds; before they arrived, their own courage had saved them from part of the partition with which they were menaced; the cowardice and weakness of the Belgians stood proclaimed to all Europe; the revolutionary rabble had dispersed before the tried defenders of order and justice, and, by the firmness of her people, Holland saved England from the ineffable disgrace of actually staining her standards with the blood of her oldest and most faithful ally.

What is to be the ultimate fate of the contest between Holland and Belgium, does not yet appear. But in the mean time the English fleet has sailed to the coast of Walcheren. Flushing is put in a state of defence; the buoys are lifted from the mouth of the Scheldt, and preparations are made for resisting the menaced attack of the British squadron. The French armies are still on the watch; at the first cannon shot they will cross the frontier, and co-operate with us in forcing the Dutch to accept the protocols-in other words, to submit to the partition of their dominions.

The evil done is irreparable. By departing from the obvious course of allowing the Belgians and Dutch to fight it out between themselves, with a clear stage and no favour; by

*No. CXXXV., September, 1831,

establishing a revolutionary power in
Flanders, we have in effect, if not in
form, brought the French standards
to the Rhine. The revolutionary
throne of Belgium must depend on
the great central revolutionary power
of France; the legitimate monarchy
of Holland must depend on the regu-
lar monarchies of Prussia and Rus-
sia. Leopold is nothing better than
the lieutenant of Louis Philippe; he
applies, and ever will apply, to him,
for aid-as certainly as the Confe-
deration of the Rhine did to the
French Emperor.

But in addition to this, what have
the Whigs done? They have made an
arrangement with France, by which
the Belgian army, 20,000 strong, is
to be governed by French officers
-Was any thing ever like this? Not
content with establishing a revolu-
tionary throne in Belgium; not con-
tent with demolishing the frontier
fortresses, and leaving the plains of
Flanders as defenceless as after the
sweep of Joseph in 1788, they are
actually going to have the Flemish
army directed by French officers
that is, as much a French army as
the Hindoo army is now, or the Por-
tuguese army was formerly, a British
force.-What is the pretence for such
a measure? The Duke of Welling-
ton, than whom there is no man alive
better qualified to speak on the sub-
ject, has declared that the Belgian
army does not require foreign offi-
cers; but, if it did, why not have it
filled with British, Prussian, or Aus-
trian officers? Why put the whole
force of this revolutionary state at
the disposal of French officers? Why
put the men who recoiled at Water-
loo before the British standards, in
possession of the country from which
they were then with such infinite
difficulty expelled? Why surrender
in one day, not only the fortresses,
but the country, and the army, which
Marlborough toiled so long to save
from French ambition, and Welling-
ton in so glorious a manner rescued
from their grasp? There can be no
reason but one: France is a revolu-
tionary power, and our reforming
rulers deem every thing advisable
which smooths the way for their re-
volutionary allies.

Holland is incapable of resisting
France without the barriers of Flan-
ders. This has long been felt; and

accordingly, though they had the line of Breda, Bergen-op-Zoom, Maestricht, and Bois-le-Duc, to which they are now driven, in the time of Louis XIV., yet they were reduced to extremities by that ambitious monarch, and the Succession War first gave them security by establishing the barrier fortresses at the treaty of Utrecht. -Lord Brougham admits that the interests of Britain are identified with those of Holland; and yet he sanctions an arrangement which renders Leopold a prefect of France, brings their standards down to the Waal, deprives them of all the barrier towns, and reduces them to a weaker state than they were in before the victories of Marlborough. Does he imagine that the United Provinces are more capable of resisting France than they then were? That the winter march of Pichegru to Amsterdam in 1794 has increased their means of defence? Or that the peril to Dutch independence is less because twenty years have habituated the French to the sweets of Dutch dominion, and a new Revolution has revived the unextinguishable passion of its warlike people for the barrier of the Rhine?

The independence of Holland, therefore, that great and deserved object of British ambition, for which the revolutionary war was undertaken, and which, after so terrible a struggle, was accomplished, is now endangered. The French standards are again about to wave, as in 1792, on the Scheldt; the object for which the war was undertaken has been abandoned by a reforming administration. Long and bitterly will England feel the consequences of this immense error; present humiliation and disgrace attend it; future war, increased taxation, additional bloodshed, must be incurred to retrieve it.

But while the advantages and security of former victories have thus been abandoned by our present rulers on the side of Belgium, an equally extraordinary dereliction of all former policy has occurred on the side of Portugal. Not content with abandoning Holland, we have also sacrificed and alienated Portugal; the cry of indignation against England, which fills every city in the United Provinces, has been re-echoed from the banks of the Tagus.

Lightly as in a moment of political

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