We do not here quote from the Declaration of Independence, because we shall have occasion so often to refer to its language it is not necessary.

Gov. Hancock, in a speech made in 1784, in commemoration of the Boston Massacre, makes use of the following expressions:

"Security to the persons and property of the govern ment is so obviously the design and end of civil government, that to attempt a logical proof of it would be like burning tapers at noonday to assist the sun in enlightening the world; and it cannot be virtuous or honorable to attempt to support a government of which this is not the great and principal basis; and it is to the last degree vicious and infamous to attempt to support a government which manifestly tends to render the persons and properties of the governed insecure. Some boast of being friends to government: I am a friend to righteous government, founded on the principle of reason and justice; but I glory in publicly avowing my eternal enmity to tyranny."

Mr. Hancock was chosen president of the convention of Massachusetts, to take into consideration the adoption of the present Constitution, but did not attend till the last week of the session. It was said a majority of the convention would be against the adoption, and that the governor was with the opposers.1 "Certain amendments were proposed to remove the objections of those who thought some of the articles deprived the people

site which was there marked out for that purpose. Thus, for the sake of a palace, George III. lost a kingdom.

'Biographical Dictionary, Art. Hancock.

of their rights. He introduced those amendments with great propriety, and voted for the adoption of the Constitution. His name and influence doubtless turned many in favor of the federal government."

It will be seen in the sequel that some of these amendments, written probably to do away, in part, the known opposition of Samuel Adams and Mr. Hancock, had, in fact, special reference to the slaves in the Southern States; and it will be found that, with slight amendments, retaining, however, all the principles contended for, they were finally added to the Constitution. It was this man, in conjunction with Samuel Adams, who headed the opposition to the proposed tyrannical measures of the British government, who makes objection to the proposed Constitution, not only on account of his jealousy for State rights, but on account of its acknowledging slavery at all, and the fear he entertained what might be the result; and it was the same person who, when General Washington proposed to Congress to bombard the town of Boston, while occupied by the British, and while Mr. H. was president of that body, and because it was known most of his property was invested in real estate there, "the house resolved itself into the committee of the whole, in order to give him an opportunity to give his opinion." 1 After he left the chair, he

addressed the chairman of the committee of the whole in the following words:

“It is true, sir, nearly all the property I have in the

' Biographical Dictionary, Art. Hancock.

world is in houses and other real estate in the town of Boston; but if the expulsion of the British army from it, the liberties of our country require their being burnt to ashes, issue the order for that purpose immediately."

Samuel Adams, who with Hancock were the only two individuals the English government could not pardon for their rebellion in the first stages of the difficulties, objected to the adoption of the Constitution as proposed, and stated he could not give it his support unless certain amendments were recommended to be adopted. After consultation, amendments were prepared, which were brought before the convention, and referred to a committee, who made some inconsiderable alterations, which being accepted, the Constitution was adopted. Some of these, as we have just remarked, were afterwards agreed to as amendments to the Constitution, and form at present a part of that instrument. We do not think they were altogether such as we at the present day should like, because they are not so distinct as we could wish; yet they secure the person from excessive fines, and secure him, before punishment, a trial by jury, and also freed him from cruel and unusual punishments. He also objected to the article that made the State amenable to the courts of the nation. He thought it would reduce them to mere corporations.

1

It is said that, when it was found Messrs. Hancock and Adams were opposed to the adoption of the Constitution, the people of Boston held a meeting in the tavern called the Green Dragon, and passed some very spirited resolutions on the subject, urging its

We do not know whether Gen. Marion, of South Carolina, held slaves; yet, as he so forcibly expresses the feelings of the human heart in its longings for freedom, and shows so distinctly the cause that could hold together our ill-clad and bad-provisioned army, and moved them to the contest of so great a struggle, we cannot forbear giving an extract from his words.

His expressions occurred on the occasion of the British sending a flag from Georgetown, South Carolina, for the exchange of prisoners. The young officer, after transacting his business, being invited to dine, was seated on the trunk of a fallen pine, and one of the men was requested to hand the dinner; whereupon he drew a quantity of sweet potatoes from the ashes near by, and, after blowing them with his mouth, and wiping them with the sleeve of his shirt, set them between the general and the officer on a large piece of bark. The young man not relishing his food very well, and not able to refrain from laughing at his reception in the American general's camp, and at the bill of fare, observed, after other conversation, he did not believe it would be easy to reconcile his feelings to a soldier's life on Gen. Marion's terms,

adoption, and that these proceedings were the occasion of the attempt made by Hancock and Adams to reconcile the principles of the Constitution to their ideas of liberty and justice; and, having recommended amendments which would secure the slave his individual rights, and the rights of the States, of which they were also very jealous, they satisfied their consciences to its other provisions; and, after these amendments were adopted by congress, they ceased their opposition.

"All fighting, no pay, and no provisions but po

tatoes."

ERTY.

"Why, sir,' answered the general, the heart is all; and when that is much interested a man can do any thing. Many a youth would think it hard to indent himself a slave for fourteen years. But let him be over head and ears in love, and with such a beauteous sweetheart as Rachel, and he will think no more of fourteen years servitude than young Jacob did. Well, now, this is exactly my case. I am in love, and my sweetheart is LIBBe that heavenly nymph my champion, and these woods shall have charms beyond London and Paris in slavery. To have no proud monarch driving over me with his gilt coaches, nor his host of excisemen and tax-gatherers insulting and robbing, but to be my own master, my own prince and sovereign, gloriously preserving my own national dignity and pursuing my true happiness, planting my vineyards, and eating their luscious fruit, sowing my fields, and reaping the golden grain, and seeing millions of brothers all around me equally free and happy as myself, this, sir, is what I long for."

"The officer replied that, both as a man and as a Briton, he must certainly subscribe to this as a happy state of things.

"Happy!' quoth Marion; 'yes, happy indeed; and I would rather fight for such blessings for my country, and feed on roots, than keep aloof, though wantoning in all the luxuries of Solomon. For now, sir, I walk the soil that gave me birth, and exult in the thought that I am not unworthy of it. I look upon these venerable trees around me, and feel I do not dishonor them. And when I look forward to the long, long years of posterity, I glory in the thought that I am fighting their battles.