It must be remarked, that, in this epistle, by Latins he means the Western Europeans, as opposed to the Greeks, or Eastern; and that by the Roman empire, (just before mentioned,) he means the Germanic body. The author's apprehensions for the fate of letters in the West was premature; for, upon the destruction of this imperial city, the number of learned Greeks, which this event drove into those Western parts of Europe; the favour of the popes and the Medici family, shewn at this period to literature; together with the then recent invention of printing, which, by multiplying copies of books, made them so easy to be purchased; all this (I say) tended to promote the cause of knowledge and of taste, and to put things into that train in which we hope they may long continue. Besides Philelphus, Eneas Sylvius, and many others, who were Italians, I might mention two Greeks of the same age, George Gemistus and cardinal Bessario, both of them deeply knowing in Grecian literature and philosophy. But as some account of these last and of their writings has been already given,' I shall quit the Greeks, after I have related a short narrative; a narrative so far curious, as it helps to prove, that even among the present Greeks, in the day of servitude, the remembrance of their ancient glory is not yet totally extinct. When the late Mr. Anson (lord Anson's brother) was upon his travels in the East, he hired a vessel to visit the isle of Tenedos. His pilot, an old Greek, as they were sailing along, said, with some satisfaction, "There it was our fleet lay." Mr. Anson demanded, "What fleet?" "What fleet?" replied the old man, (a little piqued at the question,) “Why, our Grecian fleet, at the siege of Troy."s But we must now quit the Greeks, and, in consequence of our plan, pass to the Arabians, followers of Mahomet. Æneas Sylvius, may find the above quota- e Nicetas had before called them, sons of Eneas. See p. 474. See Philosoph. Arrangements, p. 319, 8 This story was told the author by Mr. Anson himself. CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING THE SECOND CLASS OF GENIUSES DURING THE MIDDLE AGE, THE ARABIANS, OR SARACENSAT FIRST, BARBAROUS-THEIR CHARACTER BEFORE THE TIME OF MAHOMET-THEIR GREATEST CALIPHS WERE FROM AMONG THE ABASSIDE-ALMANZUR ONE OF THE FIRST OF THAT RACE—ALMAMUN OF THE SAME RACE, A GREAT PATRON OF LEARNING AND LEARNED MEN-ARABIANS CULTIVATED LETTERS, AS THEIR EMPIRE GREW SETTLED AND ESTABLISHED TRANSLATED THE BEST GREEK AUTHORS INTO THEIR OWN LANGUAGE -HISTORIANS, ABULPHARAGIUS, ABULFEDA, BOHADIN-EXTRACTS FROM THE LAST CONCERNING SALADIN. THE Arabians began ill. The sentiment of their caliph Omar, when he commanded the Alexandrian library to be burnt, (a fact we have already related,') was natural to any bigot, when in the plenitude of despotism. But they grew more rational, as they grew less bigoted, and by degrees began to think that science was worth cultivating. They may be said, indeed, to have recurred to their ancient character; that character which they did not rest upon brutal force alone, but which they boasted to imply three capital things-hospitality, valour, and eloquence.k When success in arms has defeated rivals, and empire becomes not only extended but established, then is it that nations begin to think of letters, and to cultivate philosophy and liberal speculation. This happened to the Athenians, after they had triumphed over the Persians; to the Romans, after they triumphed over Carthage; and to the Arabians, after the caliphate was established at Bagdad.' And here, perhaps, it may not be improper to observe, that after the four first caliphs, came the race of the Ommiadæ. These, about thirty years after Mahomet, upon the destruction of Ali, usurped the sovereignty, and held it ninety years. They were considered by the Arabic historians as a race of tyrants, and were in number fourteen. Having made themselves, by their oppressions, to be much detested, the last of them, Merwin, was deposed by Al-Suffah, from whom began another race, the As many quotations are made in the following chapters from Arabian writers, and more particularly from Abulpharagius, Abulfeda, and Bohadin, a short account of those three authors will be given in the notes of this chapter, where their names come in course to be mentioned. 1 See before, p. 458. k Schultens, in his Monumenta vetustiora Arabiæ, (Lugdun. Batavor. 1740,) gives us in his preface the following passage from m See Herbelot's Bibliothèque Orientale, under the word Ommiades; also Abulpharagius, p. 138, 160; and in particular Abulfeda, p. 138, &c. race of Abassidæ," who claimed to be related in blood to Mahomet, by descending from his uncle, Abbas. As many of these were far superior in character to their predecessors, so their dominion was of much longer duration, lasting for more than five centuries. The former part of this period may be called the era of the grandeur and magnificence of the caliphate. Almanzur, who was among the first of them, removed the imperial seat from Damascus to Bagdad, a city which he himself founded upon the banks of the Tigris, and which soon after became one of the most splendid cities throughout the East. Almanzur was not only a great conqueror, but a lover of letters and learned men. It was under him that Arabian literature, which had been at first chiefly confined to medicine and a few other branches, was extended to sciences of every denomination.° His grandson, Almamun, (who reigned about fifty years after,) giving a full scope to his love of learning, sent to the Greek emperors for copies of their best books; employed the ablest scholars that could be found to translate them; and, when translated, encouraged men of genius in their perusal, taking a pleasure in being present at literary conversations. Then was it that learned men, in the lofty language of Eastern eloquence, were called "luminaries that dispel darkness; lords of human kind; of whom, when the world becomes destitute, it becomes barbarous and savage."P The rapid victories of these Eastern conquerors soon carried their empire from Asia even into the remote regions of Spain. Letters followed them, as they went. Plato, Aristotle, and their best Greek commentators, were soon translated into Arabic; so were Euclid, Archimedes, Apollonius, Diophantus, and the other Greek mathematicians; so Hippocrates, Galen, and the best professors of medicine; so Ptolemy, and the noted writers on the subject of astronomy. The study of these Greeks produced others like them; produced others, who not only explained them in Arabic comments, but composed themselves original pieces upon the same principles. Averroes was celebrated for his philosophy in Spain; Alpharabi and Avicenna were equally admired through Asia. Science (to speak a little in their own style) may be said to have extended "Abulphar. p. 138-150, &c. Abulfeda, p. 143. Herbelot's Bib. Orient. under the word Abassides. See Abulfeda, p. 144. 139. 141. 160. Abulpharag. p. stands thus in the Latin version of the page last quoted: Docti tenebrarum lumina sunt, et generis humani domini, quibus destitutus ferus evadit mundus. 4 See Herbelot, under the several names P See Abulfeda, p. 181. Abulpharag. p. here quoted. 160, 161. The lofty language alluded to Nor, in this immense multitude, did they want historians, some of which (such as Abulfeda, Abulpharagius, Bohadin,' and others) have been translated, and are perused, even in their translations, both with pleasure and profit, as they give not only the outlines of amazing enterprises, but a sample of manners and character widely differing from our own. No history, perhaps, can be more curious than the Life of Saladin by Bohadin. This author was a constant attendant upon the person of this great prince through all his active and important life, down to his last sickness, and the very hour of his death. The many curious anecdotes which he relates, give us the striking picture of an Eastern hero. Take the following instance of Saladin's justice and affability. "He was in company once with his intimate friends, enjoying their conversation apart, the crowd being dismissed, when a slave of some rank brought him a petition in behalf of a person oppressed. The Sultan said, that he was then fatigued, and wished the matter, whatever it was, might for a time be deferred. The other did not attend to what was desired, but on the contrary almost thrust the petition into the sultan's face. The sultan, on this, opening and reading it over, declared he Abulfeda was an Oriental prince, descended from the same family with the great Saladin. He died in the year 1345, and published a general history, in which, however, he is most particular and diffuse in the narrative of Mahomet and his suc cessors. Learned men have published different parts of this curious author. Gagnier gave us, in Arabic and Latin, as much of him as related to Mahomet. This was printed in a thin folio at Oxford, in the year 1723. The largest portion, and from which most of the facts here related are taken, was published by Reiske, or Reiskius, (a very able scholar,) in Latin only, and includes the history of the Arabians and their caliphs, from the first year of the Mahometan era, An. Dom. 622, to their 406th year, An. Dom. 1015. This book, a moderate or thin quarto, was printed at Leipzic, in the year 1754. We have another portion of a period later still than this, published by Schultens in Arabic and Latin; a portion relative to the life of Saladin, and subjoined by Schultens to the Life of that great prince by Bohadin, which he (Schultens) published. But more of this hereafter. Abulpharagius gave likewise a general history, divided into nine dynasties, but is far more minute and diffuse (as well as Abulfeda) in his history of Mahomet and the caliphs. He was a Christian, and the son of a Christian physician; was an Asiatic by birth, and wrote in Arabic, as did Abulfeda. He brought down his history a little below the time of the celebrated Jingez Chan; that is, to the middle of the thirteenth century, the time when he lived. A fine edition of this author was given in Arabic and Latin, by the learned Pococke, in two small quartos, at Oxford, 1663. Bohadin wrote the Life of the celebrated Saladin, but more particularly that part of it which respects the crusades, and Saladin's taking of Jerusalem. Bohadin has many things to render his history highly valuable: he was a contemporary writer; was an eyewitness of almost every transaction; and what is more, instead of being an obscure man, was high in office, a favourite of Saladin's, and constantly about his person. This author flourished in the twelfth century; that is, in the time of Saladin and king Richard, Saladin's antagonist. Bohadin's history, in Arabic and Latin, with much excellent erudition, was published in an elegant folio, by that accurate scholar, Schultens, at Leyden, in the year 1755. thought the petitioner's cause a good one. Let, then, our sovereign lord,' says the other, 'sign it.' 'There is no inkstand,' says the sultan, (who, being at that time seated at the door of his tent, rendered it impossible for any one to enter.) You have one,' replies the petitioner, 'in the inner part of your tent,' (which meant, as the writer well observes, little less than bidding the prince go and bring it himself.) The sultan, looking back and seeing the inkstand behind him, cries out, 'God help me, the man says true,' and immediately reached back for it, and signed the instrument." Here the historian, who was present, spoke the language of a good courtier. "God Almighty," said he, "bore this testimony to our prophet, that his disposition was a sublime one: our sovereign lord, I perceive, has a temper like him." The sultan, not regarding the compliment, replied coolly, "The man did no harm; we have despatched his business, and the reward is at hand." After this fact we shall the more readily believe Bohadin, when, speaking of the same illustrious person, he informs us, that his conversation was remarkably elegant and pleasing; that he was a perfect master of the Arabian families, of their history, their rites, and customs; that he knew also the genealogies of their horses, (for which we know that to this hour Arabia is celebrated;) nor was he ignorant of what was rare and curious in the world at large; that he was particularly affable in his inquiries about the health of his friends, their illness, their medicines, &c.; that his discourse was free from all obscenity and scandal; and that he was remarkably tender and compassionate both to orphans and to persons in years.* I may add from the same authority an instance of his justice. "As Bohadin, the historian, was one day exercising at Jerusalem his office of a judge, a decent old merchant tendered him a bill or libel of complaint, which he insisted upon having opened. 'Who,' says Bohadin 'is your adversary? My adversary,' replies the merchant, is the sultan himself: but this is the seat of justice, and we have heard that you (applying to Bohadin) are not governed by regard to persons.' Bohadin told him the cause could not be decided without his adversary's being first apprized. The sultan accordingly was informed of the affair, submitted to appear, produced his witnesses, and, having justly defended himself, gained the cause. Yet so little did he resent this treatment, that he dismissed his antagonist with a rich garment and a donation."" His severity upon occasions was no less conspicuous than his clemency. See Bohadin, p. 22. Ibid. p. 28. and at the end of Bohadin, the Excerpta from Abulfeda, p. 62, 63. |