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nals tried and condemned at the late assizes at Cork, Tipperary, Limerick, and Westmeath, and declared again that "all this he attributed to the nature and essence of the Roman Catholic religion." The Rev. Joseph Ivimey, in the outpouring of abuse, said, "He was one of those who would use no measured terms when speaking of Popery; it was the abomination that maketh desolate; it was a great lie, and made of every species of aggravation. It exposed its wretched followers to every sort of misery here, and eternal perdition hereafter."

On these topics, including a gross and infamous attack of the Courier London paper on Mr. O'Connell, in consequence of a report being spread that that learned Gentleman was to be honoured with a patent of precedency at the Irish Bar, Mr. M'Donnell addressed the meeting in the following bold and energetic terms.

Mr. ENEAS MACDONNELL expressed his entire concurrence with the Resolution to Petition on behalf of the Dissenters, which was merely proving the sincerity of the repeated professions of the Catholic body, and reducing to a measure of practical operation, the declaration contained in the several documents that had emanated from that body. Whether or not, it would advance the cause of the Catholics themselves in the opinions of their enemies or their friends, he would not stop to inquire, because it was his decided impression, that whatever the results might be, as to themselves, they should not suffer the opportunity to pass of proving their sincere devotion to the principles of Civil and Religious Liberty (cheers). He would not now enter upon an inquiry as to the fitness of the time, as it did not appear to him that there could be any time unfit for doing good, and extending our prayers, our sympathies, and our exertions to the aid of our injured fellow-subjects (hear). It afforded him much satisfaction to observe, that the Catholics of Ireland had manifested a becoming spirit on this occasion. They knew well that some of their most violent opponents and most offensive calumniators were to be found in almost every class of Dissenters; yet, when those persons expressed a determination to appeal to the Legislature for relief, the Catholics of Ireland, merging all minor considerations in the great principle of equal law and equal justice, and overlooking the hostilities displayed against themselves, and notwithstanding the distinct intimation of an exalted and influential parliamentary supporter they, in the true spirit of disinterestedness and magnanimity, put forth all their strength and influence towards the advancement of the claims of those Dis senters. What return they are likely to meet (said Mr. Macdonnell) I will not venture to anticipate; whether the hand of fellowship, which we have so often held out, will be accepted, I cannot tell; we cannot promise for others, but we, at least, will enjoy the consolation of reflecting, that the calumniated Catholics, who have been so often taunted with the maintenance and manifestation of selfish and anti-social principles, have given a fresh proof of the injustice of the charge. A gentleman who preceded me has justly observed, that the Dissenters themselves had a share in the passing of those Acts, which they now desire to have repealed, and that they sacrificed their own rights in order to aid in the persecution of the Catholics. This is all true; and I am sorry to be obliged to add, that I observed, upon reading oversome of the Petitions of the Dissenters in the present year, that they actually boast of that most discreditable conduct, and make it the ground of claim upon the Legislature for relief. Yes, some of them say to the Parliament, at the present day, you ought to admit us to the enjoyment of Religious Liberty now, because the Protestant Dissenters preferred the endurance of persecution to resistance

to it, lest that resistance might prevent the persecution of the Catholics, and i were satisfied to be persecuted themselves, provided their acquiescence would ensure the persecution of the Catholics also. Why, then, it may be asked, would you petition for the relief of persons who avow such feelings? My reason is, I think their cause is just; I think their exclusion is opposed to a great principle of right, and, therefore, in the maintenance of justice and the assertion of right, I raise my voice, without reference to the merits or demerits of those to be affected by its success. I candidly admit that I feel no claims upon my gratitude on the occasion. It appears, by the Resolutions that have been read from your Minutes, that you have again and again held out the hand of friendship and fellowship, and no man has said that it has, in a single instance, been accepted. I recollect some resolutions passed in 1825 by a portion of the Dissenters, in reference to the Bill then pending for the relief of the Catholics; but there was nothing very animated in their friendship, for they merely said that they would not oppose the bill, but leave it to the wisdom of the Legisla ture, and even that, because they did not think that it would injure the Protestant Dissenters. There was not one sentiment in the Resolutions worthy of sincere and candid friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. Well, we are willing to forget what is past; to overlook the coldness of many, the hostility of more; we prove, by our proceedings here, this day, that we, at least, were sincere in our declarations. Will the Dissenters, even now, meet us with corresponding feelings? If they do not, I, for one, must and will distrust all their professions; but will not be the less anxious for their triumph over the intolerant spirit against which they complain. Let them, if they please, have to boast of our Popish simplicity, while we have to feel Catholic honesty (loud cheers). Let them boast of their cleverness, while we enjoy the sense of our disinterestedness. I would not exchange places with them, even should our friendly ef forts end in establishing their freedom and increasing the number and power of our enemies, by their accession to them. I wish it to be felt that we do not come forward as the petitioners of petitioners; that we do not seek after alliances for ignoble purposes, or under the influence of unworthy feelings. The Catholics are ready and willing and anxious to co-operate with the Dissenters, for the advancement of a common object; but should anti-Catholic bigotry, and vicious prejudices, and uncharitable hostilities so far prevail with our Dissenting fellow-subjects as to prevent their acceptance of our tender of co-operation, I wish them to feel, that we shall not be, therefore, disheartened; but proceed, as hitherto, confident that there is enough of justice in our cause, and of strength in its supporters, to insure ultimate and early success (loud cheers). This will not be taken as the language of offence; at least, I know it is not intended as such. But it is intended, as the language of independent communication between equal parties, and to guard against the notion that the Catholic body should feel itself second in rank or importance to those whom they address, much less that we could seek to attain any selfish purpose by mean and groveling subserviency and adulation. We wish to speak the language of men of business, and there is not a Dissenter in England whose good opinion is worth enjoying or seeking, that will not approve this upright and independent tone, or who would not hesitate to accept an offer of fellowship were we to adopt the the language and conduct of conscious inferiority. Nay, every independent and manly Dissenter would naturally shrink from a contact with such self-debasing vilification. I am not unmindful of the fact, that we have many most sincere friends among the Dissenters. We all know that the distinguished individuals who are generally supposed to speak their opinions in the two Houses of Parliament, Lord Holland and Mr. Wm. Smith, are amongst our most earnest and zealous friends, and we could name many others; but my wish is that our coalition, if it should be effected, should be founded on a sense of mutual respect, without which it could not prove advantageous to either. Having made these observations as to the Resolution before us, I would now advert to some other subjects that have been introduced to our notice. It seems to be considered advisable not to adopt any measures at present towards bringing the claims of the British Catholics before Parliament. Whatever may be my individual sentiments on that subject, I certainly should feel myself quite unjustifiable, were I to press the adoption of a course contrary to that which obtains the approbation of your body. It is for the British Catholics to choose their own course, and not for me to resist their opinions. But I may be allowed to express my satisfaction. on finding that the Catholics, of Ireland have resolved to urge their claims with

of eight or twelve horses, excavated the line of canal at less than a fourth of the price which would have been expended in manual labour.

THE average quantity of malt made in England and Wales in each of the last three years is thirty-four millions, one hundred and ninety-four thousand, nine hundred and eighty-four bushels. The consumption of strong beer, brewed by public brewers during the last year, amounted to one million nine hundred and sixty-six thousand seven hundred and seventyfour barrels; and by licenced victuallers to one million two hundred and seventy-five thousand nine hundred and thirty-six barrels. The quantity of table-beer brewed, during the same period by public brewers, was five hundred and twenty-one thousand four hundred and thirtynine barrels; and by licenced victuallers two hundred and ninety-four thousand six hundred and thirtythree-barrels. The daily consumption of strong beer amounts to three hundred and nineteen thousand eight hundred and nine gallons, and of table-beer to seventy-nine thousand five hundred and five gallons. The number of breweries in London is one hundred and three, and in the country one thousand four hundred and forty-two; of retail brewers in London seventy-four, and in the country seven hundred and ninetyseven. The number of licenced victuallers in London is four thousand four hundred and thirty, and in the country forty-five thousand one hundred and one.

FATHER Menestrier informs us, that the Opera sprung out of the remains of the dramatic music formerly

used in the church, and that the Italians first brought it upon the stage about the year 1480. Other writers insist that it was invented by Ottavio Rinucnii, a native of Florence, about the year 1600, an opinion strongly countenanced by the author's dedication of his Eurydice to Mary de Medicis, consort of Henry IV. of France, in which he says, he had written it" merely to make a trial of the power of vocal music in that form." The structure of the operatical drama was, however, very different at that early period from that representation which now bears the same denomination. At the beginning of the seventeenth century an Opera was established at Venice, upon the model of which one was also instituted at Paris about the year 1660. Soon after this time, a taste for this species of drama took place in London, and old plays were wrought into the form of operas, and represented at the theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields.

THE jurisdiction of the hundreds into which England is divided, is, in most instances, at present vested in the county courts, except with regard to some, as the Chilterns, which have been by privilege annexed to the crown. These having still their own courts, a steward of those courts is appointed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with a salary of twenty shillings, and all fees, &c., belonging to the office. This is made a matter of convenience to the minister, whenever he wishes to remove a member of parliament, in order to put another in his place. Such a one is made to accept the stewardship of the Chi!tern Hundreds, which vacates his



On Sunday, the 14th of October last, a sermon was preached at the Catholic chapel, Tottenham, by the Rev. R. Horrabin, in aid of the funds

of that establishment, and we are happy to hear, considering the poverty of the congregation, a liberal collection was made.

IRISH BARONETS.. IN a paragraph entitled "Irish Nobility," in our last Number, we omitted to include, in the list of baronets, the name of Sir James Nugent, of Westmeath. Since that time, there has been an accession to the Catholic baronetage in Ireland, in the person of Arthur Blennerhassett, Esq., of Mount Rivers, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, and late High Sheriff of the county of Kerry. This gentleman is the eldest sonand heir of Sir Rowland Blennerhassett, Bart., and has recently embraced the Catholic faith.


THE son and heir of the ancient and honourable house of Stanley, of Hooton, in the county of Chester, attained his majority on the 24th ult., on which occasion great rejoicings were made. From the Hooton family have branched off the Stanleys, Earls of Derby, and the Stanleys, Baronets, of Alderley, in Cheshire. This family holds the forestership of Wirral, by the delivery of a horn, something similar to that preserved at Hungerford. Sir Thomas Stanley married the beautiful and accomplished daughter of Sir Carnaby Haggerston, and he possesses extensive landed estates, producing an income of at least £30,000 a year. He and his amiable family reside almost constantly at Hooton Hall.

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have to perform, most painful. Nevertheless, I must proceed. Heaven has decreed it: death has smote the man of your hearts-Francis Earl of Newburgh is no more. He departed this life the 23d day of October last. Lord Newburgh is dead. At the sound ef his name recollections rush upon my mind, now bitter in remembrance. The sound of that name, dear to you all, has, I think, on this occasion, for the first time, brought with it bitterness and grief to yourselves also. Let us assemble round the coffin, that contains his mortal remains. Tears, no doubt, of esteem and affection, will start in your eyes. But if as men you weep, and by your grief testify the merit and worth of the truly noble minded, generous hearted, good man, whom you all esteemed, as christians look into that receptacle of the cold motionless corpse, of him whom you mourn, your patron, your benefactor, prostrate in death. Are there no merits, no virtues, that have been his? Methinks I hear you all exclaim he was he was beloved by all that knew him! We cannot be ignorant of his love for religion, of the zeal and piety of his heart, seated as we are amidst the effects of those his virtues! True, my Catholic brethren, death has torn from you your kindest benefactor; who turned the earthly blessings, which heaven had bestowed on him, to promote your spiritual welfare, your eternal happiness: death would consign him to the forgetfulness of the tomb; but the name of Francis Earl of Newburgh cannot be forgotten. If there be virtues, which can keep any name from forgetfulness, those virtues were his.

With that name must be coupled the greatest kindness, the noblest generosity, unbounded charity, genuine piety, and zeal. That such were the virtues of your lamented patron, you yourselves have experienced. Some of them these hands have accomplished for him, both in aiding the minister of religion, in his zealous projects, and in carrying comfort to the cot of the widow, the sick, and the needy. In this magnificent temple you trace with your own eyes the

earnestness in the next Session of Parliament. No doubt the circumstances of the two bodies are different; the comparative paucity of your numbers will afford you the more time for consideration, as the opinions of your body may be collected in some months hence, in sufficient time for forwarding petitions, should it be deemed advisable to do so. Our worthy Secretary has referred to some proceedings at one of the new Reformation meetings on the 29th of last month, and given us the names of some of the principal performers. As to Mr. Vernon, the only observation I would make would be, to refer that gentleman, for advice and guidance, to the debates in the House of Commons on the 26th June, 1826, where he will find the mischievous and discreditable policy which he sanctioned by his presence on the 29th June, 1827, justly characterized; and the people of Ireland, who had been so grossly calumniated at this meeting, most ably vindicated, by an authority which he would not be unwilling to disrespect: meaning, thereby, one Mr. Vernon, son of the Archbishop of York (hear, hear!). The next person named is a Captain Gordon, who, I believe, is, after all, no Captain at all. I know something of that gentleman. For years f abstained from the public exposure of his various misrepresentations, though 1 have often, in private, remonstrated against them. But I owe him no favours that should oblige me to be silent any longer respecting him, and therefore I do here publicly impute to him the repeated misrepresentations of the creed and conduct of Irish Catholics; and against that odious and fraudulent society, the London Hibernian Society, I make the same imputations. I made similar charges against that society, at one of their open meetings. I repeated them at another meeting, where their Secretary, Mr. Webster, was present; they met me with invitations to go to their Committee room. I took them at their word; wrote to Mr. Webster that I would attend at a certain hour, and did attend punctually; unaccompanied by any other person. I saw Mr. Webster, who admitted that Gordon was then in the Committee room adjoining the room in which we sat; still, notwithstanding their challenges for inquiry, they shrunk from it even in their own Committee room, and proved their consciousness of the guilt of the Society, and of their own inability to sustain the charges they had made against Irish Catholics. In the same way a Mr. Hodson, in Yorkshire, professed himself ready to produce the original documents, on which he founded the most calumnious aspersions upon the Catholic body of Ireland; but when I applied to him for a copy of one of them, he did not venture to produce it, or to incur the risk of an exposure of the real character of the Irish Readers' Society, to which this most Rev. Mr. Hodson, of Stainley Hall, near Rippon, announces himself to be Secretary for all England (loud laughter). However, there is no good time lost. I saw Captain Gordon in town a few days ago. I am still ready to meet him and Mr. Hodson, and all their co-operators; and to prove to the people of this city and country-this gulled people, whose pockets contribute so liberally to their unhallowed labours that they are contributors to a system which they should blush to recognise or sanction, and that they waste their money, not in the promotion of Christian doctrines, but in the diffusion of uncharitable slanders, and the excitement of unchristian strife and discord. Let Gordon and Hodson, and all the Farnhams, and Vernons, and Ryders, and others who choose to take part in this new Reformation, name the day and the place, and I pledge myself to satisfy any reasonable mind of the truth of what I have said (loud and continued cheers). But it seems that Captain Gordon has found that there is a great increase of crime in Ireland, and all owing to the influence of Popery; and I perceive that The Courier is actively engaged in endeavours to aid that doctrine. The Journalist has entered into conflict with a Dublin Paper on the subject, and in his last number exults exceedingly, because the Dublin Editor declares, as well he might, the impossibility of providing lists of all the crimes committed in Great Britain and Ireland for the last two hundred years, or thereabouts. But if we cannot provide such lists, I may, however, meet the wishes of The Courier to a certain extent, and let that Journal supply the deficiency, if it pleases. This plan of The Courier may not prove quite so judicious as it was considered by that Journal, and by Captain Gordon and those Lords and Gentlemen, the Ministers and Missionaries of the New Reformation. Contrasts of that nature seldom tend to good, but it cannot be expected that we should submit without complaint, to imputations of such a serious nature. Now I think it may be proved that the aid of Popery is not necessary to produce an increase of crime in a country. Let us see how the facts stand as to England and Wales. When Mr. Peel introduced his plan for

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