ney-Bill allowed him for his private Perufal, as to bring it into a City Common Council, to be tried Paragraph by Paragraph, at the Bar of a foreign jurifdiction, to be arraigned and judged in the Chamber of a Corporation, even after the Houfe of Commons had proceeded in it, and had order'd it to be read a second Time? That none but a Mr could obtain a Copy- let others judge. A difficult Task fo to determine human Happiness, as to convince Men of the Truth of it. But this is the Defign of the following Enquiry. It was faid by a great Emperor and Philofopher, that No Man can do any Thing, purely human, well, unless he knows the Relation that Thing bath with divine Things: Nor any divine Thing well, unlefs he knows the Relation that Thing hath quith human Things. The E. of Shafts None will dispute that the printed Fotes B bury's Brother, in his Preface to his Tran were proper to be read in such an Affem- By the Julian Law it is termed PECU- of a ROMAN SENATE. The Auditoz, April 13. No. 28. T It is natural to feck for Happiness; but Pleafure rather than Happiness the End of their Search. If Happiness follow'd every Man's Opinion,it would have as many mon. ftrous shapes, as there are human Paffions; and while thefe are liften'd to it will be a flation of the Cyropedia, has an Opinion much of the fame Import. A Man fhould therefore examine, whether the Happiness he feeks after be confiftent with his feveral Relations, as Man; if it violate any of thefe Relations, it is not his proper Happiness. For Man is compofed of Mind and Body: By Mind is understood a Principle of Intelligence, that conceives and reflects by Body, a certain Quantity of Matter animated by that Mind. The Nature of the Mind is infinitely fuperior to that of the Body;, and the fuperior Excellence ought always to govern the inferior. It follows, that in the complete Happiness of Man, the fenfual Pleatures, as being of inferior Worth, ought to be fubordinate to the Mental. But what Proportion are they to bear? To answer this, it will be proper to determine what Man's natural Relati ons are;-They may be reduced to Three principal ones; To Deity; to other Men; to himself. These are the natural Foun dations of Man's Duty, in the Obfervation or Violation of which, he is happy or unhappy. Our Duty with refpect to Deity, is Obedience to Divine Laws: And what are Divine Laws with refpect to Man, but Man's Natural Engagements, imposed on him by his human Nature, which are the Foundations of his two other Duties. And are therefore to be firft follow'd; nor can Man's Happiness be in that which obliges him to violate thefe firft univerfal Laws; because in violating thefe he breaks thro' the Characteristick of Man. Thefe natutural Engagements are to clear that they cannot be mistaken by any one that can reafon at all. becomes fenfible that there is autong pletely wife and juft: that the higheit Wif dom Man is capable of, is to find out the Lars which Deity has established in the Universe, and that his greatest Perfection and Virtue is to conform himself to the Laws Laws impofed by Deity on his particular Nature, by the feveral Relations he hath to the things about him. Now it is plain that none who own fuch Deity can be ignorant of the Rules he is Meshly Miscellany, April 14, No. 11. Obfervations on the Layman's Sermon pretended to be preached at Lincoln'sInn, Jan. 30. and on its Supplement. Malice in this Sermon and Sup Do act by; Here then is a pofitive Rela-plement had not been directly pointed tion of human things with divine. One Man's Nature being the fame as anothers, infers a pofitive Rule of Juftice to be obferved from one Man to another, founded in their common Natures: This is the Relation which determines Man's Duty towards his Fellow Creatures. Laftly it is as clearly discoverable by the human Understanding, that Deity looks on the whole Species of Mankind alike, and does not give any one Power to be defpotically happy in prejudice of his Fellow-Creatures. This Truth determines Man's Duty to himself, which excludes all private or unjuit preference or Partiality caufed by Self-Love, and gives Birth to that great Virtue of Philanthropy. (See p.183 A) B If it be objected, that tho' Man, by violating thefe natural Obligations, becomes unjuft, yet is he pofitively happy in the Enjoyment of that thing for which he D violates these natural Obligations; it's anfwer'd, that Man's Happiness is his Good, that Good conformable to his whole Nature. Now, by Nature he is tied down to Laws common to his kind; and confequently his Happiness cannot be out of thofe natural Laws which are of Divine Eftablishment. Hence this great Truth, No Man can be happy that is not juft, that is, if he violates his natural Duties. E Should it be afferted, that by the Laws established for the Government of Society, natural Ties are often diolated, and Oppreffion, and an unequal Diftribution of buman Benefits fuffer'd: It's anfwer'd, F There is no fuch Thing as a perfect Government; yet it's neceflary there thould be Laws, because the Fear of Punishment will force Men to keep their Paffions within Bounds. The lefs Oppreffion there is, the better, and the more even the Orders and Ranks of Men are in a Government, the lefs room is there to complain of une, qual Diftributions; yet there must be fome Diftinction and Difference; there must be Governors and Governed; the Firf malt be exempt from bodily Labour, which necef farily falls to the Share of the Latter, and 'tis juft it should be fo. Thus Human Happiness is nothing but a faithful Obfervation of the natural Relations of the Human Creature to Deity, to Mankind, and to Self. 1 G H at the Clergy, the Author needed not have been afraid that the World could be fo partial to that Order of Men, as to give any of them the Credit of thefe Performances, fo much do they exceed any thing in their kind that ever came from the Pen of an Ecclefiaftick. His first Point is, that the Clergy ought to have no Power, because Clergymen always abufe it] What is there in Reason or Fact to justify this Affertion? Were thefe Abuses peculiar to the Clergy? No; they were the Error of the Times common to both Clergy and Laity; when both acted according to the Laws of a Popifo Conftitution. If Laws are bad, let them be mended. If Power is exorbi tant, let it be reftrained. This was remedied by the Reformation; and what has happen'd fince to fhew the Clergy more given to abufe Power than other Men? Several Clergymen in the Commission of the Peace make not a worfe Figure than many of their Lay Brethren. This Writer tells us, there's no great ExPLOIT in wearing Gowns and Bands, and broad Hats. No; neither is there fuch Magick in them, that as foon as a Man puts them on, he muft needs commence either Knave or Fool. Surely there are fome among the Clergy as well as Laity, who are worthy to be put in Places of Trust: Not that it's becoming in Clergymen, to be ambitious of Civil Offices, but to fhew that in the Eye of the Lasu the Clergy are not fuch MONSTERS as this Writer makes them. If 'tis faid, the Clergy have been ever aiming at an Encreafe of Power, 'tis granted. But is this peculiar to Ecclefiaftical Power? Prerogative bears fometimes upon Liberty Liberty again upon Prerogative. Will you infer from hence, that Power ought not to be put into the Hands of King or Parliament? Spiritual Power vefted in Clergymen is a much higher Authority, and which cannot be contefted by Chriftians. Why are thofe unfit to be entrusted with Power from bien, who are entrusted with Power from God? But he denies that Clergymen have any Power, but what is derived from the State; and avers, that our Conitirunce ftitution is founded on this Principle. But His other favourite Point is, that as the Clergy ought not to have any Power, so neither fhould they have any Money. He tells us, That it's computed the Clergy have a 5th Part of our Wealth. Had he confider'd the Matter, he would have diftinguished between Money and Land, and then might be feen the Falfeness of his Calculation, because the Clergy have no Property in the Perfonal Eftates of the Laity; therefore he ruft mean the Lands only. All the Lands of the Nation are ufually valued at 10 Millions; fo that according to him the whole Revenue of the Clergy amounts to 2 Millions. But for his better Information, about the latter End of K. William's Reign, an exact Eftimate was taken of the whole Value of the Clergy's Revenue,not excepting Church Lands, and if it had been then equally divided among the Livings, it would not have made them 110l. per Ann. one with another. Now, fuppofing the Number of Parishes 10, or 11,000, any Tradefman will tell him what every Living would be worth, if 2 Millions were to be shared equally among them. A small Encrease has indeed, been made fince, by the Augmentation of fome Livings, but which makes no great Alteration in the Accompt. He likewife forgot to deduct the Tythes and Land now in the Poffeffion of the Laity.' But what does this Incendiary mean by threatning the Clergy with the Refentments of the Laity? Would he infinuate that the Legiflature intend, or are inclin'd to deprive the Clergy of any Part of their Revenues? Their Conduct on a late Attempt fhews the Contrary. B E well of others. The Plea fures of Friendhip and Benevolence infinitely surpass thofe which terminate meerly in ourselves. Benevolence and Friendship differ. The first is a fettled calm Friendship to Man kind, as Friendship is a warm Benevolence to one or a few Men. So that the benevolent Man is a more noble Character than that of a Friend, because he diffuses more Good and makes more People happy, and fo ftands a more compleat Image and Reprefentative of the fupreme Being, who is good to all, Father of the World, and the Friend of the Universe. But, Friendship, as it gives the highest Pleasure, is fometimes a dangerous Virtue, and more to be guarded againft, than general Benevolence; which feldom carCries a Man beyond Self-Regards, nor pushes him upon unreasonable Acts of Generofity, which often end in his Ruin. This is intimated, when we say a Man is too Good, meaning that he has acted with fo much Zeal for the Good of others, as to diftrefs his own Affairs. There may be an Excels in Virtue itself; for we are to follow her no further than Reafon allows. Neither Benevolence nor Friendship oblige à Man to do what no Reafon can be affigned for; therefore none should ruin himself to make another. The firft great and univerfal Law of Nature is our own Happiness, which we are never obliged to part with, but when Virtue and Happiness are inconfiftent. To part with Our own Happiness to another, is doing no Good; there is but one Man happy still. Much lefs can Friendship oblige a Man to part with his Life to redeem another from Death. Why fhould he not die as well as, or rather than his Friend; fince the very Capacity for all Enjoyment is deItroy'd by Death? But we may do a thoufand good Offices, without deftroying our Health or Fortunes. It would be much better for the World, if no Men extended their Generofity and Benevolence beyond the Bounds of their own Fortunes and Circumstances: For thousands of Perfons and Families have been reduced to Want, thro' their thoughtless Benevolence, and fenfelefs Friendship, and thonfands of worthless, idle, extravagant Fellows, have eaten the Bread of the Honeft, Laborious, Induftrious and Frugal. Is not this inverting the Order and Nature of Things? Why fhould one Man's Virtue be the Support of another Man's Vice? There's Thousand F Would he have it thought the Laity are London Journal, April 14. N° 7:0. Elf-good H want of Industry and Frugality; and 'tis encouraging Vice; to be Benevolent to the Vicious. Was it not for this false Generofity and vicious Friendship, a great Number of the Gentlemen, as they call them- A felves, of this Town, that is, idle-Fellows, who eat, drink, and dress at the Expence of others, muft disband, and turn themselves to the natural Life of Man, Labour, or be starved. If all Perfons who had not Hereditary Fortunes, were bred to Bufinefs, and our B good Laws well executed, we should not find half the Neceffities that are complained of. The trueft Charity, and juiteit Be nevolence, is employing People in honeft Labour and Bufinefs; for 'tis reasonable that those who have fquander'd away their Fortunes in Luxuries, fhould be left to Labour for their Bread. C Even Gratitude, or Friendship to Benefactors, the higheft of all Virtues, fhould never carry a Man beyond the Rules of Juftice; but it will allow him to put his Virtues in the ftrongest Light, and his Foibles in the fairest Light; to justify fuch of his Actions as appear right upon D the whole and well defign'd, tho', the World be against it. So far Gratitude allows; and if, when a Friend is diftreffed, one should leap the Bounds of Realon, it's an Error that has Charms in it; pity that it is an Error! However, it's easily forgiven, when we confider that the Excef. E fes or Vices of Gratitude are lefs pernicious, than fome four rigid Virtues are beneficial. SOCRATES. F Fog's Journal, April. 14. N° 232. Of Parliaments, both corrupt and good. IN Na Comparison we lately made, fays Fog, between the Senate of Rome under the Cafars, and the Parliament of Paris (See p. 142.) was fhewn, that by the Corruption of Senates, the People are enflaved, and that Subjects may taste Liberty in Governments not free, where the Magiftracy is uncorrupt. Of both thefe G Extremes we have Examples in the EngLife Hiftory, and in the fame Reign. No Prince ever came to the Crown more univerfally belov'd than Richard II. Yet by a wicked and blundering Administration, he loft the Affection of his People; for the Politicks of these Men were wholly employ'd in fqueezing Money from the People at Home, while the national Intereft was neglected abroad. The Parliament could bear no longer with thefe Ministers; and therefore fent a Message to the King, declaring, that De H la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, the Chancellor, and Vere, the Treasurer, ought to be removed from all Office and Truft, and from the Perfon of the King. What gave the greatest Offence was, that the Chancellor in the King's Name, demanded an extraordinary Supply for the King's House. hold, or Civil Lift; to which the Commons returned Answer,That they neither could nor would proceed in any Bufinefs, till the King fhould come in Perfon amongst them, and remove the Chancel lor from his Office; reprefenting further, That it was the antient Custom of this Realm, that the King should call a Parliament every Year; and that if the King eftranged or withdrew himself from his Parliament for the Space of 40 Days, the Members were at Liberty to go back to their Habitations. In Return, the Minifters to intimidate the Parliament, advifed the King to tell them,"That he perceived his Parliament and People intended to make Infurrections against him, in which Cafe he was refolved to fubmit himself to his Coufin, the King of France, for Advice and Affiftance, rather than truckle to his Subjects". The Parliament returned Anfwer, " That they had an antient Conftitution, that if the King thro' evil Council, Obftinacy, or Contempt of his Subjects, should alienate himself from his People, and not govern by the Laws of the Realm, it should be lawful for the People to depofe him, and to fet up another of the Royal Family". This brought the King a little to himfelf, he suffered De la Poole to be impeached, and then asked a Supply. The Commons anfwer'd, That he need not want Supplies, when he could so easily supply himself from those who were his and the Nation's Debtors (Meaning the Ministers.) The Chancellor and Treasurer were removed, to see if it would put the Parliament in a good Humour; it had the defired Effect, and a Supply was granted but none were to pay towards this Tax, but Dukes, Earls, Archbishops, Abbots, Sheriffs, Knights, Efquires, Parsons, Vicars, and Chauntry Priefts. They confider'd next, that by the great Corruption of the Place-men, the publick Revenues were fquander'd, Trade decay'd, Gentry impair'd, and the Place-men imthe People impoverish'd, the Rents of the menfely Rich, and therefore impowered 11 Lords to hear all Comlaints relating to the publick Revenues from the Death of Edward III. and then broke up. Thus Thus having obtained their Point, the Minifters refumed their Places and Practices; and in order to make themselves Safe, laid a Defign of taking off the Duke A of Gloucester,and fome principal Oppofers, at an Entertainment in the City; but this Plot was spoilt by being communicated to Sir Rich. Exton, L, Mayor of London, who gave Notice of it to the Duke. B C Their next Scheme was to take off all Terrors of Parliament. To which End they tamper'd with the Sheriffs to raise Forces for the King; and to return none to ferve in the next Parliament, but fuch as they (the Minifters) should name. The She riffs anfwer'd, that thofe who opposed the Measures of the Minifters were greatly belov'd by the People; and that as to Perfons to be returned for Parliament, they could not hinder the People from their antient and undoubted Right of free Elections. Upon this Difappointment, they applied to the Judges, who were more Complaifant, and promised to make the Law fpeak juft as they would have it. About this Time, feveral Lords and D Commoners, who had confederated to relieve their Country, met at Harangay Park, near High-gate; of which the King. being inform'd, ask'd Sir Hugo de Lyn, a crack-brain'd Knight, what he fhould do with these Men? The Knight answered, "Let us march out and kill every Man of them, and then by God's Eyes you will have destroy'd the worthieft Men, and best Subjects in your Kingdom." of the Planters of Tobacco in Virginia than to one who comes Agent from that Colony, and who undertakes to support that Representation. The Cafe feems a Petition, defigned to be prefented to Some-body; therefore furely you have gone beyond your Commiffion, in turning it into an Appeal to the People, or rather a Libel upon the Trade. The Cafe begins with an Account of the Progrefs of the Virginia Trade thro' a long Courfe of Years, the Mischief attending it through various Changes by feveral Acts of Parliament, and the Hardfhips the Planters fuffer from their Fac tors.] The Acts hinted at, that have affected the Tobacco, are thofe made fince the Act of Tonnage and Poundage. It fays, That the Impofition by the firft of King James II. was better fecured to the Crown, than by the Method introduced by the 7th and 8th of King William. How does That appear? All the Difference between the Bonding under thofe Acts, was, that in the firit, the Importer gave Bond that the Tobacco should not be delivered till the Buyer had paid the Duty; in the latter his Bond obliged Him to pay the Du ty; and the Reafon for altering this Method was, because the Buyers could not raife fo much ready Money as was neceffary to carry on the Trade in this ManEner; therefore they afterwards collected the whole Duty of the Importer, and the Price of Tobacco advanced in Proportion, and the Merchant charged his Commiffion on the grofs Amount of the Tobacco fold. This is one of the Mifchiefs fuggefted in the Cafe. F The Ministers having miscarried in their Defiga on the Sheriffs, the next Year appointed a Pack of profligate Fellows for Sheriffs fit for their Purpose, who returned fuch Tools to Parliament as were the very NEGROES of Men in Power, and impeach'd all thofe Lords who had opposed their Matters, particularly those who had been appointed by the laft Parliament to infpect the Diffipations in the publick Revenues. ----- When they had done all that was required of them, they were only G prorogu'd, which was a ftrange Innovation in thofe Days, when no Parliament was ever known to fit twice. ------ This Harmony betwixt them and the Ministers, robbed theKing of the Hearts of his People, whereby he loft both his Crown and Life. The Craftsman, April 14. No. 354. Obfervations on the Cafe of the Planters. in Virginia, in a Letter to fee p. 133 SIR, I Know not to whom I could better addrefs my Obfervations on the Caje H He goes on; The Merchant's Commif fion may be computed to be above an Eighth of the Nett Produce of Tobacco, and in many Sales, to more than the whole Balance coming to the Planter.] This is an idle Suggeftion, every one must know that the Merchant's Commitfion on the Virginia Trade is 2 and a half per Cent. as usual; it is not to be underitood that the Factor is to enfure a Market, or to answer for a greater or leiler Produce. The Writer conceives, that the Prohibition to import Bulk Tobacco has produced fome good Effects; but fo long as the Merchant is trufted to keep Tobacco in his own Warehouses, and the Payment of Duties are under the prefent Method, he apprehends no Expedient will be found adequate to the Mischief defigned to be remedied.] Į am glad to find he allows Bb one |