now, is not charmed to fee eternal Power, Wifdom, and Beauty, thadowed out in the Characters of JUPITER, MINERVA, VENUS? Every Grove, every Tree, every Spring, had its attendant Deity: The DRYADS, FAUNS, and NAYADS, &C. ÍL. 4. v. 194. D were fo many Allegorical Beings, by which the wife Founders of their Religion would exprefs how facred every Part of the Universe ought to be held.

p. 86, A) having lately fat for his Picture at my Houfe, I have converted it into a FAN; which I call the Flap-Fan I have feveral of thefe FANS by me, and humbly hope you will recommend them F to the World, that I may have it to fay, The AUDITOR'S Hints are profitable as well as inftru&ive. Caffle-freet, Tours, &c. Leice fter-fields. The AUDITOR makes feveral fine Obfervations on this Occasion, which we have not room to store up in our Magazine, therefore must refer our Readers of Tafte to the Original, and fhall only add, that he enjoins his Fair Difciples to buy at least one a piece of these FANS, under the Penalty of being call'd FEMALE FLAPS.

PEACE, a Principality in the way to HAPPINESS, Kingdom of, chief Place, the delightful City of Virtue, Governour Wifdom; his Favourites Honour, Circumfpection, and Affabilty; Chief Port, Learn- A ing, but thinly inhabited.

PLENTY, Ifland, Governour's Name, Temperance.

PLEASURE, Ifthmus of, Rulers Gravity and Moderation.

FRUGALITY, Island, Directors Care and Diligence.

CONTENTMENT, Ifland, Governour's Name Philofophy, Dep. Gov. Morality.

DISCONTENTMENT, a Rock, Dangerous in fudden Gales.

B

C

from Arch Bp Sheldon's own Month, that
after the Treaty of the Isle of Wight, in
the last Despair of K. Charles's Affairs, his
Friends and Servants driven from him, he D

obtain d leave for Sheldon to be left alone
with him one Day. The King took this
Opportunity to unbofom to him the In-
ftructions which he would have him
deliver to his Son; the greatest of
which was, That he would redeem the E
Sin of Sacrilege, in reftoring the Reve-
nues which had been plunder'd from the
Church; a Thing he had vowed to God,
if ever he were restored to the Throne.

The Son instead of making Reftitution, fold of all the Fec-farm Rents, ahout 60,000 1. per Ann. and how the remaining First Fruits and Tenths were employed, F we may guefs by one 32,000l. Grant out of them to the D-fsof P—.

But the Grand-Daughter, our late good Queen, began her Reign by reftoring to the Church the First Fruits and Tenths, being a Revenue of about 17,000l. per Ann. which was more almoft by the whole Sum, than had been done for the Church G by all her Predeceffors fince the Reformation.

By the wife Method which directs this Benefaction, it is as extenfive as it will be lafting. About 4000 poor Livings immediately tafted the Benefit of it, by H being discharged from Payment of First Fruits and Tenths, and if there be, as Mr Ecton atfirms, about 2000 more capable of Augmentation, the whole Number of poor Livings may be counted upwards of 6000. The prefent Revenue of the Cor

poration, fince the Discharge of those Livings, is reckon'd at about 13,000 1. per Ann. which is fufficient to augment better than 60 Livings a Year, and confequentlymay take in the whole 6000 in 100 Years. The first Augmentation began in 1714.

To make this Charity the greater, every private Benefactor, who will lay down 2007. in Money, or the Value in Tythes or Lands, fhall have it joined with the like Sum out of the Royal Bounty, for the Augmentation of any Living within the Rules prefcribed.

In an Estate acquir'd by the private Fraud of the Father, the Children know not, perhaps, to whom to make Reftitution; but in this Cafe, Tythes in their Own Nature carry upon them the indelible Badges of LEVI.

If by way of Defence it be pleaded, that there are very few Ecclefiaftical Eftates in the fame Families to which they were at first alienated; yet receiving and keeping of Things to which the Goodness of the Title is at beft dubious, comes nearest to the original Jujustice of actually taking them away.

As to the legal Validity of the Title, it should be confider'd, that all the Tythes and Glebe Lands have been frequently, and with great Execrations, dedicated to God, exclufively of all other Perfons. And what Authority has he given to any one to surrender them back again? Has he confirmed, or acknowledged the Right of the prefent Poffeffors? Has he suffered Poffeffion to continue long peaceable and interrupted? See Inftances to the contrary in Sir Henry Spelman's Hiftory of Sacrilege, and Mr Lefly'sEffay upon Tythes.

What is here faid is not defigned to af fect the Abbey Lands, but only Glebe Lands and Tythes; concerning which, if any Impropriator fhould be asked, How he came to be paid, and why the former were annexed to the Cure of Souls, what Answer can he return which will not 'condemn himself? What doth he with thefe Glebe Lands, or for them?

In a Word, to fee fo many Persons of Learning and Piety, who are excluded from all other Methods of getting a Livelihood, compell'd to hackney about from Church to Church, and to officiate in two or three incompatible Cures by Halves, juft enough to keep them from ftarving; while the plentiful Revenues of the Church are fwallow'd up by Persons whe cannot perform any Ecclefiaftical Offices themselves, and will not contribute to

thote

those who do, is a melancholy Confide-
ration.
Tours PHILOCLLRUS,

Extract of the Cafe of the Planters in Vir

ginia, with fome Account of the Scheme A for relieving them, and fecuring the Duties on Tobacco.

After reprefenting the intolerable

Hardships they lie under in an authentick Manner, figned in the Name of the Council, by the Prefident and Speaker, c. all they defire of the Briti Parliament is,- "That the Merchants be no longer folely trufted with the keeping of Tobacco, but that it be deposited in Warehoufes under the Lock and Key of the King and Merchant; That all the Duties be reduced to four pence three farthings the Pound, which is the Net Duty at prefent, after difcounting the 25 per Cent. That Tobacco be weighed when it is landed, and weigh'd again when fold and delivered out to the Retailer or Exporter; That fuchRetailer pay down the Duty according to the last weight, and only remain answerable to the Merchant for the Remainder of the Price; That all Tobacco be exported Duty free, and the fame Time allowed for Exportation as is now; and That fome feverer Penalties be annexed to the Relanding of Tobacco deliver'd out for Exportation or felling it at Home. By this Method no Alteration will be made

B

What Alterations the faid Scheme may receive in its Progrefs thro' the House, from the Confiderations of fo wife a Body, we can't pretend to guess, but believe our Readers in the Country will be pleased to have fome (tho' imperfect) Information of it: As it lately tood, we gather d from the Conjectural Schemift, publish'd a Month ago, that as this Commodity was to be laid under an Excife, it was hinted there fhould be an Appeal from the Commiffioners of Excife; we fince learn, this Appeal, as propofed, is to be determin'd by three Judges of Westminster-ball, one of each Court, this we fuppofe for London or the Bills of Mortality; for the Country, the Appeal to be from the Juftices to the Judges of Affize: And thefe Appeals to extend to every Branch under the Management of the Excife. That the Excife Officers are to be increafed only 125. That the impofing an Oath tending to make Perfons accufe themfeives which was to be taken or forfeit 20. be laid afide. That all the Duty (except one Penny per Pound to the Civil Lift to D be paid on landing) and all Forfeitures and Penalties go to the Ufe of the Publick. That 15 per Cent. be allowed for wafte, and 10 per Cent. on prompt payment of the faid Penny, which Penny to be wholly drawn back on Exportation. The remaining Duty of four Pence per Pound, to be paid on removing the Tobacco from the King's Ware-houfes by the Buyer, whofe Ware houfe to be enter'd at the Excife Office, &c. as in other excifable Commodities.

E

in Refped to the Duty, that will be better
fecured, and cannot fail of being encreas
ed, by fuppreffing the Multitude of Frauds
which must needs arife from the Mer-
chants having the Tobacco in his Power
and bonding the Duties: many Perjuries
will be prevented, the Merchant then will
have no Interest in leffening the Weights; F
but for the Sake of his Commiffions
will fee that Justice be done to the King
and the Planter, and the Cuftom-boufe
Becks will be a Check upon him, if he does
any Wrong, and the Planters will be able
to chufe their Factors for their Probity
and kind Treatment and not for their G
Riches or Credit."

This Defire of the Planters being fo rea-
fonable, and the Representation of their
Cafe having convinced the Ministry of the
great Frauds committed with Relation to
the Duties on Tobacco; they have fo far
favoured them as to encourage a Scheme H
agreeable to what they propofe, for reme-
dying both thefe Evils, accordingly it
was moved in the Houfe Wednesday the
14th, and reported the Friday following;
a Bill is to be brought in accordingly, and
there is Sixty to One that it will pafs--

It is propofed by this Scheme, befides relieving the Planters, to improve the Revenue on Tobacco from 160,000 I. (which is the Produce on a Medium for 7 Years paft) to 299,000l. per Ann. the Difference between thefe Sums being now loft or funk in Frauds. It is thus calculated, fuppofe 163,000 Hogfheads fent in a Year from the Plantations at 720l. weight each, (which is within the Truth) and allowing two thirds for Exportation, the Lury will be 139,000l. above the prefent Produce.

This Reprefentation of the Planters is in Print, accompanied with a Vindication of it, fhewing feveral Accounts stated be, tween the Planters and their Factors, whereby the former are brought in Debt 115. on the Sale of a Hogfh of Tobacco, while the Merchants make 50 per Cent. of their Money in this Trade; but we fhall not go into particulars, as the Book may be feen every where,

B.

Of the PENSION BILL. No XXVII.

134
Being come to a Conclufion of the

molt remarkable Speeches made in the
H--- of C----ns on the Salt Bill; we fhall A
not at prefent pursue that Debate in the o-
ther Houfe, but país to those on the Penfion
and Mutiny Bills, and the rather, as from
the Arguments which were then used the
Reader may conceive the Reasons their
Lordships went upon in this Seffions for
paffing the latter, 101 to 49, and rejecting
the former a third Time, 82 to 39.

N Feb. 17. the PENSION BILL (See Vol. II. p.99c G.) was read in the Houle of Lords, after which

Ld D- -r fpoke as follows:-My Lords, The Bill which has been now read, is to the very fame Purpose, and almost in the fame Words with that which has already been twice refufed by your Lordships; and there. fore I cannot but look upon the fending up of fuch a Bill as an Indignity offered to this Houfe; for which Reafon I am of Opinion this Bill ought to be rejected.

C

very beneficial to the Nation was intended; but on a more ferious Perufal, we find, there is really nothing intended, that can in the leaft contribute to the Publick Good. We all know, My Lords, how fome Motions come to be made, in the other Houfe. Such Bills as this now before us, are often brought in by wouldbe Minifters, Gentlemen who affect Popularity, and fet themfelves up as Protectors of the Liberties of the People, and under that Pretence encourage and promote Faction and B Difcontent, in order thereby to raise themfelves to be the chief Men in the Administration. I fhall always be for infuring the Liberties and Privileges of the People; and if any Attempts were making against them, as ready as any Man to concert Measures for fhortning the Arms of the Crown: But, My the Crown, against the Liberties of the PeoLords, when I find no Attempts are made by ple; and when popular Cries for Liberty are fpirited up only by the Factious and Dif contented, I fhall never be for diminishing the Power of the Crown, efpecially when it has but just enough to fupport itself against the Factious and Difaffected. I remember, a noliament, when this very Affair was before us, ble Lord put the Queftion laft Sethon of ParHow the Pretender would defire one to vote in this Cafe? I believe the proper Answer would still be, that he would defire us to vote for the Bill I doubt not, but he would be for diminishing his Majesty's Power of rewarding those who merit well of their CounFaction. I hope, My Lords, there will always try, by a zealous Oppofition to him and his be Men of Honour and Integrity in this Country to defend us against that or any Faction, without the Hopes of a Reward; but if it should be found neceffary for our Defence, I would rather chufe that the Government fhould have it in its Power to give Rewards us, than that the Factious should have it in to thofe that contributed to the preferving of their Power to give Rewards to those that affifted them in the deftroying of us. The Methods propofed by this Bill, are so far from being proper for preventing Bribery and Corruption, that I am afraid they will give fuch an Encouragement to Faction, as may lead us into Confufion; and therefore I fhould be for rejecting the Bill.

The E of Str faid: It is true, My Lords, a Bill of the fame Purport, and almoft in the fame Words,has been twice fent up, and as often refused by this Houfe: But we muft D remember, that the Bill never came the Length of a Committee. If your Lordships had iaft Year thought fit to take the Bill under your Confideration in a Committee, the several Claufes thereof would have been particularly examined, and it would have been known what Claufes or Words your Lordships would except against; but as no fuch Thing was E done, the Gentlemen of the other Houfe could not know how to amend the Bill; for which Reafon I must think that the fending up of this Bill in the fame Words with the former, is fhewing the utmost Refpect to this House, by leaving it to your Lordships to alter and amend it as you fhall judge proper.-Corruption, My Lords, has been always thought of molt pernicious Confequence, and therefore many AЯs of Parliament have been pafs'd for preventing it Particularly in the Reign of Queen Anne, in the first Parliament of his late Majefty; and the very Act of Settlement. This thews that the bringing in of fuch Bills was never thought any Injury to the Crown; on the contrary, the Honour and Safety of the Crown depend on the Honour and Integrity of the Members of Parliament. One Defign of this Bill in the other House, was to wipe off any Sufpicion of Corruption that there might be against them: Do not let us, My Lords, deprive them of the only Means of convincing the World, there is no fuch Thing among them. An Objection against any particular Claufe, may be a Reafon for al- H tering or amending the Bill, but it never can be a Reafon for throwing it out altogether; I fhall therefore be, for ordering it to be read a fecond Time.

VFth. My Lords, This Bill bears a very specious Preamble, from the first View of it one would be apt to conclude, fomething

G

L-d.Ct. My Lords, I am for receiving this Bill in the moft refpectful Manner; be caufe of the Dignity of the Subject, and for the Refpe& due to the other Houfe; as well as ourselves. The Subje&t of this Bill is of the utmoft Confequence to the Liberties of this Nation; the Preamble is in my Opinion why may it not be altered? One Thing, My very proper for fuch a Subject; but if not, Lords, I am fure of, that if we treat the Bill with fo much Contempt, as to reject it upon the firft Reading, the whole Nation will make a Preamble for us. I do not know whether this Bill was brought into the other House by would be Minifters or no; but I am very cer

tain, that as good Minifters as ever were in
England, have laid the Foundation for fuch
Bills, and if Men a& for the Publick Good,
it fignifies nothing to us, or the People, what
were their Motives. I hope fuch Motives A
will be always a Check to ambitious Ministers.

It is no Argument against this Bill, that it is in the fame Words with the laft; I hope there is no Man in this Nation pretends to be infallible. Some Arguments may now be brought for paffing it, which were not then thought of. The Publick Tranquillity was not then fo firmly established as at prefent, and therefore it may now be thought a more proper Time for us to take Precautions for preferving our Liberties against Domeftick Enemies. If your Lord hips should fend down a good Bill, and the fame should be refuled by the Commons, would that be an y Argument against ever fending that Bill down to them again? Or would their having once refufed it, be an Argument for their rejecting it at the firft Reading, upon its being brought alecond Time before them? No, My Lords, if your Lordships were convinced the Bill was neceffary, and drawn up in proper Terms, you would fend it down in the very fame Words again and again, till its own Weight carried it through.

D

I am, My Lords, far from fufpecting any Attempts during his present Majesty's Reign, against the Liberties of this Nation: His Majefty has too much Goodness to encourage or admit of any fuch being made; but for this Reafon we ought now to bring in fuch Bills as may be conducive to the Preservation of our Liberties: His Majefty never will oppofe what is neceffary for fecuring the Liberties and the Properties of his People; whereas if we never think of taking any Precautions against Arbitrary Power, till we have a Prince on the Throne, that is aiming at Arbitrary Power, it will then be too late; there is certainly at prefent nothing to be feared from Bribery and Corruption: His Majefty reigns in the Affections of the People; his Defigns are all F for the Publick Good, and therefore he has no Occafion for making ufe of any illegal and corrupt Sort of Influence; but to pretend, that our prefent Happiness is a Reafon for our not taking proper Precautions against the Evils that may come upon this Nation in future Times, is the fame Thing as to fay, You are not to bring in any Bills against Bribery and Corruption, till a Majority of both Houses of Parliament are corrupted.

The D-ke of N-le. My Lords, If this Bill defign'd only to prevent Bribery and Corruption, 1 fhould be for it with all my Heart; but we can easily fee that the Intention of this Bill is to give the other Houfe an Opportunity of affuming a Power they never yet pretended to, and their affuming thereof would be the Overthrow of our prefent happy Conftitution. By this Bill, My Lords, the Comrons may affume a Power of judging what Gratuities are proper to be given by the Crown

any Member of that House; for tho' the

H

Bill fays only, that the Members of that House are to declare what Gratuities or Rewards they receive from the Crown, within fourteen Days after the Receipt thereof, yet, My Lords, we may easily torefee that the Houle will enter into the Confideration of the Declaration, and will take upon them to deter➡ mine whether or no fuch Gratuity was given by way of Bribe; fo that thereby the Crown will be difabled from giving any Reward to a Gentleman that has merited well of his Country, at least as long as he continues to be a Member of Parliament. This would put fo much Power into the Hands of the Commons, that it would entirely overturn that Balance on which our Conftitution depends; and therefore I have been always againft this Bill and shall now be for rejecting of it.-After thefe and feveral other Speeches, the Queftion was put and carried against the Bill 96 to 40. Whereupon a Proteit was enter'd (which fee p. 215. Vol. I.)

On Feb. 24. the Bill to prevent Mutiny anf Delertion, &c. which pafs'd the H- of C--n without any remarkable Debate, was read the first Time in the Houfe of Lords, and the D-ke of N-le mov'd, that it might be or der'd to be read a second Time on the fuelday following.

The E-1 of A-n spoke to this Effects My Lords, confidering his Majefty has in his Speech affur'd us, that the publick Tranquillity is fully establish'd, I can't think there is now any Úfe for a Standing Army; therefore, must be against this Bill: for I am fure if we have no Ufe for a Standing Army, we have no Ule for a Bill against Mutiny and Defertion. Being therefore againft the very Bill itfelf, I must be againft giving it a fecond Reading. I have, My Lords, been an EyeWitness of one Revolution, I hope I fhall never fee another, and therefore I fhall always be against any Mealure, which, in my Opinion, has the leaft Tendency towards it. Out of the Refpe&t I have for the illuftrious Family now upon the Throne, I muft always be again luch Measures as I obferved to be the chief Caufes of the laft Revolution and it is well known, that the chief Caufe of the laft, was the keeping up of a Standing Army in Time of Peace; by this means the King first lofes the Hearts of the People, and he is then in great Danger of lofing the Hearts even of that Army in which he puts his Truft. It was, My Lords, a wife and glorious Saying of our great Queen Elizabeth, when the Spanis Ambaffador ask'd her, where her Guards were; that great Princefs pointed to the People in the Streets, Thele, fays fhe, are n Guards, my People are all my Friends. She, My Lords, put her whole Truft in her Feople; he always continu'd to do fo, and therefore the People always continu'd her Friends, and fupported her against as powerfa! Enemies, as ever any King or Queen of England had. The difmal Effects of the contrar