Occupation of York, until its surrender to the united force of France and America must be too familiar to allow us to recapitulate them; especially as our limits would not permit such minuteness, as would enable us to give all that novelty to the narrative of them which general Lee has so happily done.

From this portion of the work we must be allowed to make an extract of the following anecdote, which is illustrative of the character both of Washington and Hamilton.

"An unhappy difference had occurred in the transaction of business between the general and his much respected aid, which produced the latter's withdraw from his family. A few days preceding this period, Hamilton had been engaged all the morning in copying some despatches, which the general, when about to take his usual rounds, directed him to forward as soon as finished.

"Washington finding on his return the despatches on the table, renewed his directions in expressions indicating his surprise at the delay; and again leaving his apartment, found, when he returned, the despatches where he had left them. At this time Hamilton had gone out in search of the courier, who had been long waiting, when accidentally he met the marquis La Fayette, who seizing him by the button (as was the habit of this zealous nobleman) engaged him in conversation; which being continued with the marquis' usual earnestness, dismissed from Hamilton's mind for some minutes the object in view. At length breaking off from the marquis he reached the courier, and directed him to come forward to receive his charge and orders. Returning he found the general seated by the table, on which lay the despatches. The moment he appeared, Washington, with warmth and sternness, chided him for the delay; to which Hamilton mildly replied, stat ing the cause; when the general, rather irritated than mollified, sternly rebuked him. To this Hamilton answered, 'If your excel. lency thinks proper thus to address me, it is time for me to leave

again to his commander in chief, giving information of his loss. In this letter of the twentieth of October he says of the place which he had surrendered, "I never saw this post in a favorable light." The best excuse which can be made for the marquis on this occasion is, that he was suffering from the mortification which his misfortune must have produced, and we think that his whole conduct in Virginia may be best explained by supposing him to have yielded to the influence of some cause of irritation and vexation, which carried him from his duty. We do not mean however to imply by any thing which we have said, that we think sir Henry Clinton's conduct indicated consummate generalship, or even that it did not deserve much blame.

you. He proceeded to the table, took up the despatches, sent off the express, packed up his baggage, and quitted head-quarters.

"Although Washington took no measures to restore him to his family, yet he treated him with the highest respect; giving to him the command of a regiment of light infantry, which now formed a part of La Fayette's corps," vol. ii. p. 341. note.

We have mentioned that general Greene had retired with his army to the high hills of Santee. In this secure retirement he remained, till his troops were refreshed and restored to health, when he commenced the march of his army toward the encampment of the British, His progress was tedious, as he had to move far towards their sources to secure a safe passage over the rivers, which intervened between himself and his enemy; but having passed them, he advanced directly toward Orangeburgh, where the British had remained, since lord Rawdon had conducted them thither after the evacuation of Cambden. Colonel Stuart, who was now the principal British officer, learning Greene's approach, retired for the purpose of meeting some supplies from Charleston to Eutaw Springs, but he had no expectation that he should be so soon overtaken by general Greene as he was. The American light troops encamped within eight miles of the enemy, and the whole army at seventeen miles distance, without any suspicion having been produced in the mind of colonel Stuart of their vicinity, although no efforts had been used to conceal their march. The Americans even arrived within four miles of his camp before they were discovered, and then commenced an engagement which continued three hours, and was the most fierce and well contested battle that was fought during the southern campaigns. General Greene had gained great advantages and even obtained possession of the enemy's camp, when the British rallied under the fire from a brick house, which they had filled with their troops, and compelled the Americans to retire. But they were not pursued, although they were obliged to march several miles from the field of battle to obtain water, Immediately after the battle, colonel Stuart commenced a retreat toward Charleston, with such rapidity that Greene was unable to overtake him, which clearly evinced his own opinion of the effects of the con

test. The British army took post at Monk's Corner, not far from Charleston, while Greene again retired to the high hills of Santee, to restore his troops, overcome by their exertions and by the intense heat of the season. Thus at this propitious period did success crown the arms of the Americans in every quarter, and the hopes of the final termination of their sufferings from war were brighter than ever before.

All important warlike operations were now at an end. General Greene, sensible of the superiority which he had vindicated to himself at the battle of Eutaw, determined to act as the conqueror. With the intention of freeing the state of Georgia from its invaders, or at least of confining their control, he detached general Wayne towards Savannah, while he himself moved to the vicinity of Charleston, and soon succeeded in confining the enemy within the limits of the town. The garrison of Savannah was soon withdrawn, and Charleston was at last restored to the possession of the Americans, by a voluntary evacuation; for the prospect of immediate peace was a check upon all military enterprizes. With the account of this event the work of general Lee concludes. The last part of it is agreeably filled with minute accounts of the small operations of the armies, and contains a somewhat interesting description of an intended expedition to John's Island.

We presume that we have now given our readers sufficient information, as to the narrative of the events of the war, which is contained in general Lee's work. We have also given several specimens of the numerous and valuable anecdotes by which it is enlivened. Of its style we think a correct opinion may be formed from the passages which we have quoted, and from the long extract which we have given in the former part of this number of the Repository. We cannot say that he is always judicious or correct in his use of words, or that he is at 'all times free from obscurity, but he has written in a manner, which we think will not fail to interest his reader. We have been pleased with the candor and modesty which he has displayed, in describing the characters of others, and in speaking of events in which he was personally engaged. Much of the value of his work consists in the acquaintance which it gives us with many No. 1. Vol. III,

18

individuals, by means of anecdotes, which do not often find their way into more studied histories. ⚫

L Of his own military character he has induced us to form the most favorable opinion; or we should rather say that he has more deeply impressed that which other histories had given us. The excellent and active corps, of which he was at the head, the confidence, which appears to have been placed in him by general Greene, and the separate commands with which he was often entrusted, are testimonials of his merit. He has made good use of his personal experience to render his work entertaining, yet he is far from any thing like unpleasant self obtrusion. His accounts, we have little doubt, are accurate and faithful. We have been at some pains to compare them, where the facts were the same, with those of several other writers of the best authority, and, when he has differed from these in any particulars, we have often been inclined from the circumstances of the case, to give the preference to his testimony. If we err in the opinion which we have now given of this work of general Lee, it must be that we speak too much in its praise. It is possible that we may be prejudiced in favor of the author, who has so much amused us, and of the man, who so faithfully served his country during our war, and who has lately excited additional interest by the courage with which he has exposed his life to the attacks of ruffian violence in the protection of our choicest civil privileges. But we need not hesitate to recommend this book to the attention of all, who wish for valuable information with respect to the history of our war, and interesting anecdotes concerning those who were engaged in it.

We cannot conclude our remarks without again expressing our wishes for a complete and philosophical history of the United States. There have been no events more worthy of the most ample commemoration than those relating to the American revolution, to the institution of our government, and the subsequent state of our country. Our nation was formed under the operation of feelings and principles, which were uncommonly free from the influence of those selfish and violent passions, by which great political changes are usually effected. Our government was established by the deliberate and uninfluenced

choice of the people. Such was its nature and the method of its formation, that the attention of philosophers was universally attracted, and the fancies of political visionaries seemed to be realized. Since we have been a nation, our prosperity has been wonderful and unexampled. Our population has been rapidly increased by emigrations from foreign nations, and our citizens have grown rich almost without exertion. But we have been inattentive to the preservation of those privileges, which were the securities of our public happiness; we have become indisposed to that exertion and those individual sacrifices, by which alone they could be maintained;-the power which was given to the multitude has been abused, and we are now wretched as a nation, perhaps even from the natural operation of a system, which was once thought to promise the perpetual enjoyment of every public. blessing. What is the fate that now awaits our country cannot yet be determined. It is possible that the people may grow wiser by their sufferings that peace may be restored to us, and that a measure of our former happiness may be again enjoyed. But the present state of our affairs, may lead, and appears to be tending, to consequences of a very different nature. The spirit of our countrymen may be subdued, the imbecility of our government may increase, our national independence may be virtually lost, and we may become still more degraded as a nation, than our late policy, and those late events, which every man, who loves his native land has regarded with shame and humiliation, have yet been able to render us. Or it may be that when the spirit of corrupt ambition, and of unprincipled faction have gained more ascendency and are more bitterly felt, the virtuous and patriotic may release themselves from the connexion with a government, which impoverishes, and de grades, and demoralizes its subjects, and cause the bonds which unite our country to be broken. Our fate, it is probable, will be soon determined. A few years may give birth to events as momentous as those which marked the commencement of our national existence; but the struggles of the dismemberment of a nation, or its gradual decay and ruin will make a less uncom mon picture in history, than the wisdom and virtue which formed our government, or the happiness which followed its just ad

ministration.