the hand. The noble Lord and his Brother relying upon fuch powerful affiftance, looked forward, not only to an honourable acquital, but to a vote of thanks, and it was the intereft of Oppofition to promote the enquiry, whatever might be the event to the noble Admiral and the honourable Commander, because it would take up the time and harrafs the attention of Government, at a juncture when time was most wanting, and attention should be leaft embarraffed.

Such was the tribunal before which they appeared. Ministry had declared they fhould confine themfelves to their own exculpation; Oppofition favoured their caufe; fo that they had little to dread from the rigour of their judges. The evidence is equally strange.

Lord Cornwallis was the first examined; and truly his Lord. fhip's

At his Jerufalem levee, if a ftranger were to be asked, which of the chofen race prefent had most of the blood of Jacob in his veins, Mr. Fox would be pointed out as the man. He poffeffes ftrong ingre dients to form a political character. He has early been accustomed to the viciffitudes of fortune, and marked out by the ftorms of fate. He is a stranger to thofe indulgences of youth which unnerve the intellectual fyftem: the liftlefs languor that fucceeds the exceffive hilarity of focial pleasures; the abufe of wine; or the immoderate enjoyment of women. Play has filled up the measure of his time, and he has experienced all its diftraction. From affluence and profperity he has been reduced to beggary and want; from a command of fortune and friends, to a fervile dependence upon ufurious credifors. This has fitted him for the great bufinefs of a kingdom, and taught him to look for revolutions. In the Houfe of Commons he leads Oppofition. He is not fuppofed to poffefs a great fund of informa tion, but his mind fupplies this deficiency from her own inexhaustible treasure. His understanding is ftrong and mafculine; his expreffion full and copious. In proportion to the quickness of his concep tion, his delivery is rapid. The torrent of argument comes rolling from him with irrefiftible force; he does not leave his hearers to follow, he drives them before him. He is a perfect master of the art of debate, and disguises the fentiments of his opponents with fo much dexterity, that it is fome time before we perceive the distortion. The strongest fenfe is not proof against his power. He fits truth to the

rack of ingenuity, and tortures the unhappy fufferer. His eloquence never fails to produce its effect. It ftrikes the whole affembly; every man communicates the fhock to his neighbour.--- With these quali❤ fications he would rife to the highest offices in the ftate, if as ftriking disadvantages did not fetter his flight. He is fuppofed to want firm nefs. He is faid to be deftitute of principle. As his character is fo bare to public view, his efforts are not imputed to honourable motives. His invincible attachment to play makes it impoffible for him to poffefs the confidence of his country; and though his abili ties are admired by all men, no man wishes him to be employed.

fhip's teftimony is is of a very curious nature. Before he answers any queftion, he takes an opportunity to affure the House of his great veneration and regard for the character of Sir William. Howe; and that he thinks he has ferved his country with fide-. lity, affiduity, and great ability. After having borne this public teftimony to the General's conduct, he begs the Houfe to underftand, that he fhall not apfwer questions of opinion, but merely queftions of matter of fact. The policy of this conduct is obvious. Lord Cornwallis will not fubject himself to the dilemma of giving his opinion upon particular operations, because if he gave it in favour of the General, he might be at a lofs to justify it and if upon questions being propofed to him, the answer should turn out unfavourable to the General, he would then leave the Houfe at a lofs to understand how he came to form fuch an opinion of Sir William Howe's great ability. The refource was certainly happy, and does honour to his Lordship's ingenuity.

Adminiftration Diffected, in which the Grand National Culprits, are laid open for the Public Inspection, 8vo. Barker.

How far this writer has acquitted himfelf with regard to his promife in the title-page, we leave to the determination of thofe, who profefs themselves politicians, As a fample, however, of the manner in which he treats his fubject, we present our readers with the following extract,

;

"But it is time we proceed to examine into the second branch of our enquiry-Whether our degradation and misfortunes may not be derived from a corrupt and perverted Administration ?? And here, as in Court proceffions, it is cuftom to call first upon the inferior in office, we will begin with the noble Lord who prefides over the Navy:-it being customary to confider the Army as the fuperior establishment.

"The noble Lord at the head of the Admiralty, at the commencement of the prefent war, had been, the greatest part of his life, at different periods, either chief or affiftant at the Admiralty Board, His fpeculative and theoretic knowledge, were supposed to be greater than any other man's; becaufe, his attendance had been longer. Theoretic knowledge of a Navy was judged to be a better requifite at the admiralty, than the most confummate practical acquifitions. His Lordship was therefore continued, and the conduct of the Navy through an arduous war, for that was clearly foreseen by men of penetration, committed to his care. How far the appointment of a landman to fuch an office was competent and judicious, fhall not be here investigated. Many proofs were adduced, of naval fuccefs under fimilar aufpices: his Lordfhip was faid to have parts, genius, and industry; and the ap pointment was confirmed. Parts and genius.we ought to venerate.

It will be but a trifling objection to the employment of them to fay, the poffeffor is deficient of experience in any particular cafe. Parts and genius acquire knowledge, as if it were by intuition. They fee at a glance what dulnefs cannot difcover with long-exploring eyes;-They gain the experience of half a century, in half a month; and are indeed, the only fafe, the only true criterion, whereby to choose the director, or the leader, of a great enterprize. It has been the curfe of this nation, the baneful fource from whence all our national calamities have flowed; that length of fervice, order of fucceffion, and great experience, muft elect our commanders, and choose our Ministers. We ought therefore, to pafs over the want of practical knowledge; and to confider the appointment of that noble Lord, as judicious and advantageous: presupposing, however, that he really bad parts and genius. If that was mifconceived, the event could not but be accordingly; for of two dull heads to choose the unexperienced, must be fatal. The Lord of Hofts will, it is to be hoped, in future, deliver us from ignorance and dulnefs; and infpire his Majefty with that wisdom, which may lead him to take valour and genius by the hand, and give them commands; even though they should be found in the poffeffion of a Boatswain, or a Corporal.

"However, the appointment of the noble Lord, under the notion of parts, genius and industry, was, at leaft fpecious. Let it pafs. He knew the important tafk he had undertaken. He was to enter upon an American War, but, he knew that his greateft object was in embrio; that, like the fœtus in the womb, though it was then concealed, yet it must come forth in due time. He could not be ignorant that France had very skilful midwives; midwives able to accelerate the delivery of that great body, their nation, was pregnant with. It was this Lord's duty to know, that they had a fifter very far gone in the fame fituation. That the impregnation of both having been at the fame period, the delivery would be nearly congenial in point of time. That when thefe two bodies were fairly launched into the ocean, their object would be the deftruction of Great Britain.-In fine, metaphors apart, this Lord, if he did not foresee, soon after the commencement of the American war, that the Houfe of Bourbon would unite and attack us; if he did not foresee that-his parts and genius are but very problematical.-Heaven grant that before we get through the noble Lord's administration, the whole of his parts and genius, may not prove a delufion, and a cheat.

"We now behold the noble Lord preparing for the American war. Here there was no great neceffity for his parts and genius. A few privateers and fishing boats could not give the noble Lord much trouble. The Americans had nothing else to oppofe. The noble Lord might therefore mix the dulce with the utile,-and fpare a reasonable portion of his time to cultivate the mufes; to purfue thofe elegant amufements, which his fine tafte and delicate feelings, have felected and stamped with a naïveté, totally his own.

"The

"The ill fuccefs of the troops was nothing to the noble Lord! let others look to that. While our line of battle thips continued fafely to rot, in defiance of the American boats; the first Lord of the Admiralty did his duty. He was every way juftified —Take no thought for the morrow, let the morrow take thought for itfelf, was the noble Lord's juftification; and, it must be owned, upon Scripture grounds. Nor was it his business to trouble himself about what might, or what not might happen in Europe, at a period two or three years remote.

"Some curious, bufy, impertinent medlers; perfons indeed who had no bufinefs to interfere, for they were not Lords of the Admiralty, nor did they hold any office under Government; wanted to trouble the foft repofe of the noble Lord. They pretended that being Senators of one or the other Houfe, they had an indefeasible right, if not to advise, at least to give informa tion on public affairs. They thundered in his ears. "Beware of France, he is arming-Beware of Spain, he is equiping a fleet;* and repeated thefe cautions daily, through each feffion of Parliament. The noble Lord gave them this conftant and uniform answer — “Your information is falfe. The Court of Versailles denies your charge. The Court of Madrid is aftonished at your affurance.'The reply of the Minority, it must be confeffed, was impolite, was rude.We do not believe this,' fay the Minority, though two Princes affert it; for we have inconteftible evidence to the contrary. Send your emiffaries to Breft, to Rochfort, and Toulon; to Ferrol, and to Carthagena; inform your felves of the truth of our affertion, from the demonftration of their vulgar fenfes.' The noble Lord was too well bred to dỡ any fuch thing:-When two perfons of different rank, affert contrary facts, the fuperior fhould certainly be credited. The information conveyed to the noble Lord, was in no instance authenticated beyond the evidence of a fubject; whereas two fo vereign Princes had given the noble Lord affurances to the contrary.

7

"But,' fays the noble Lord, fuppofe your information to be true Grant that France is arming, that Spain is equiping a fleet what then? Fear nothing. I am the director of your navy. I will be refponfible that thofe fleets of the enemy, your imagination has fo magnified, fhall be encountered by a fuperior fquadron. My head, and that is no inconfiderable flake, fhall stand or fall upon the event of my fulfilling this engage ment with Parliament and the Public So, ceafe your garrulous prating; you know nothing. Government must be the best informed; and your mifinformation arifes only from spleen and difappointment. You want our places; you shall not have them. The King of France is our friend; the King of Spain is our friend; for their respective Ambaffadors told me so yesterday.”

An

An Addrefs to the Freeholders of Middlefex, affembled at Free Mafons Tavern in Great Queen Street, upon Monday the 20th of December 1779, being the Day appointed for a Meeting of the Freeholders, for the Purpose of establishing Meetings to maintain and fupport the Freedom of Election. 8vo. 6d. Dixwell.

An old correfpondent has defired us to make an early mention of the above pamphlet; how it has escaped our notice fo long, we cannot pretend to fay. Not being profeffed politicans we hope our correfpondent will be fatisfied with our laying a fhort extract before our readers.

"To the Chairman of the Freeholders of Middlefex, &c."

6. SIR,

"The profeffed defign of your meeting, and the present alarming state of public affairs, induce me to fubmit the following fentiments to the judgment of Yourself, and the other Gentlemen affembled; prefuming, if they appear to be founded on reafon, they will not be the lefs regarded, on account of their being fuggested by an unknown individual.

"The degree of attention, which ought in reafon to be paid by the Representative in Parliament to the Inftructions of his Conftituents, has often been the fubject of controverfy. For my own part, I must freely confefs, that in every instance, in which hitherto the sentiments of the electors of Great Britain have been conveyed to the elected, the latter may be juftified, in paying no further degree of attention to them than the arguments, confidered independently of the authority of the perfons inftructing or remonftrating, appear to deserve.

"It has frequently been urged upon fuch occafions, that the perfon, thus inftructed, ought to confider himself as the reprefentative of the kingdom at large; and therefore, as not under a particular obligation to obey the inftructions of the county, or borough, which returns him. This argument, though frequently adopted for no very defenfible purpofe, is, in my apprehenfion, evidently founded in good sense.

"And with ftill greater appearance of reafon may the reprefentatives of the Commons, actually affembled in Parliament, permit to lie neglected on their table the petition or remonstrance of the most refpectable, or most populous county of the kingdom, if the fentiments, contained in the faid petition or remonstrance, be difcordant with their own.

"Partial interefts, and a partial conception of the point in queftion, may with greater probability be fuppofed to prevail in a county Meeting, however refpectable, than in the public affembly of the nation. A declaration of opinion, in the strongest language of remonftrance, cannot be unlawful, and may frequently be expedient; and the right of petitioning is a privilege, to VOL. XI.

Y y

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