of the sixth century from the building of Rome, that is 156 years before Christ.1 The immediate effect of the display which these philosophical missionaries * made of their wisdom and eloquence was, to excite in the Roman youth of all ranks an ardent thirst after knowledge. Lelius, Furius and Scipio, young men of the first distinction and highest expectations, discovered an earnest desire to enlist themselves under the banners of philosophy; and much was to be hoped for from their future patronage, when they should occupy important offices in the state. But Cato the Censor, whose inflexible virtue gave him an oracular authority among his countrymen, disapproved this sudden innovation in public manners; and philosophy was sternly dismissed.? Not that Cato was himself illiterate, or wholly untinctured with philosophy; for he wrote a celebrated treatise upon agriculture. When he was a young man, in the service of Fabius Maximus, at the taking of Tarentum, he is said to have conversed with Nearchus, one of the disciples of Pythagoras; and, at an advanced age, whilst he was prætor in Sardinia, he was instructed in the Greek language by Ennius. But he was apprehensive, that the introduction of philosophical studies into Rome would effeminate the spirit of its young men, and enfeeble those hardy virtues which were the foundation of their national glory. By this visit of the Grecian philosophers a spirit of inquiry was, however, raised among the Roman youth, which the injudicious caution of Cato could not suppress. The struggle between philosophy and voluntary ignorance was, indeed, for some time maintained; for we read, that, in the consulship of Strabo and Valerius, a decree of the senate passed, probably in consequence of repeated visits from Grecian philosophers, requiring the prætor Pomponius to take care, that no philosophers were resident in Rome.5 1 Cic. Ac. Qu. l. iv. c. 45. e. 5. Aul. Gell. 1. xv. c. 11. Plut. in Caton. maj. Cic. de Senectute, * Carneades, Diogenes, and Critolaus; see vol. i. c. viii. §. 2. Cic. Cato maj. c: 1. 8. Lucullus, c. 2. Quintil. 1. xii. c. 11. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illust. c. 47. *Aul. Gell. 1. xv. c. 11. Suet. de Rhet. c. 1. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. xxix, c. 1. Conf. Bayle, P. Cato. Some years afterwards, the censors, as if resolved at once to shut the door against philosophy and eloquence, issued a similar edict against rhetoricians, in terms to this effect: -"Whereas we have been informed, that certain men, who call themselves Latin rhetoricians, had instituted a new kind of learning, and opened schools, in which young men trifle away their time day after day, we, judging this innovation to be inconsistent with the purpose for which our ancestors established schools, contrary to ancient custom, and injurious to our youth, do hereby warn both those who keep these schools, and those who frequent them, that they are herein acting contrary to our pleasure." And this edict was afterwards revived, in the year of Rome 662,7 under the consulate of Pulcher and Perpenna. But at length philosophy, under the protection of those great commanders who had conquered Greece, prevailed; and Rome opened her gates to all who professed to be teachers of wisdom and eloquence. Scipio Africanus was one of the first among the Roman youths of patrician rank, who, in the midst of military glory, found leisure to listen to the precepts of philosophy. Whatever time he could spare from military operations, he devoted to study: his companions were Polybius, Panatius, and other men of letters; and he was intimately conversant with the best Greek writers, particularly Xenophon. Panatius was perfectly qualified to assist his illustrious pupil in acquiring a general knowing of philosophy; for knowledge though himself a Stoic, he held the writings of Plato in high estimation, and was thoroughly acquainted with the systems of other philosophers. And the exalted character of Scipio leaves no room to doubt, that he imbibed from his preceptors the wisdom, without suffering himself to be tinctured with the extravagancies of stoicism. Lelius and Furius were also great admirers of Greek learning.9 The former, whilst he was young, attended the lectures of Diogenes the Stoic, and afterwards those of Panatius. The circumstance chiefly worthy of admiration in these great men is that, although they did not join themselves to the band of phi A. Gell. & Suet. 1. c. Velleius Patercul l. i. c. 13. 17. 18. 1. i. c. 38. l. ii. Orat. pro Muræna. 7B. C. 91. Cic. de Fin. l. iv. c. 9. Tusc. Qu. losophers, but sought for glory in the offices of civil or military life, they made use of lessons of philosophy in acquiring the most exalted merit; so that, as Cicero relates, 10 by the happy union of natural dispositions, the most excellent and noble, with habits formed by diligent cultivation, these three illustrious men attained a degree of perfection in moderation, sobriety, and every other virtue scarcely to be paralleled. Animated by such examples, many other persons of eminence in Rome attached themselves to the study of philosophy, particularly among those who were devoted to the profession of the law. Quintius Tubero," a nephew of Scipio Africanus, who was at this time one of the most celebrated masters of civil law, was also conversant with philosophical learning, and professed himself a follower of the Stoic sect. The moral doctrine of this sect was peculiarly suitable to his natural temper, and to the habits of temperance and moderation which he had learned from his father, one of those excellent Romans, who, in the highest offices of the state, retained the simplicity of rustic manners. Confirmed in these habits by the precepts of Panatius, when Tubero was called upon, as prætor, to give a public entertainment in honour of his uncle,12 he provided only wooden couches covered with goat-skins, earthen vessels, and a frugal repast. The people, who expected a splendid feast, were dissatisfied, and dismissed him from his office: but the action reflected no discredit either upon the lawyer or the philosopher; for it was, as Seneca remarks, 13 an instructive lesson of moderation to the Romans, who, when they saw the sacred tables of Jupiter served with earthen vessels, would learn that men ought to be contented with such things as the gods themselves did not disdain to use. Panatius dedicated to his pupil a treatise upon patience, and advised him to commit to memory the discourses of the academic Crates concerning grief;14 whence it appears, that Tubero studied the Stoic philosophy chiefly with a view to the conduct of life. 10 Orat. pro Archia. 11 Pro Muræna. Tacit. Ann. 1. xvi. A. Gell. I. xv. 12 Senec. Ep. 95. 13 Ep. 96. 99. Val. Max. l. vii. c. 5. 1. iv. c. 4. Cic. pro Mur. 14 Cic. de Off. 1. iii. Fragm. Taber. Fabric. Bib. Lat. t. i. p. 828. Lucullus was at this time an active patron of philosophy. Whilst he was quæstor in Macedonia, and afterwards, when he had the conduct of the Mithridatic war, he had frequent opportunities of conversing with Grecian philosophers, and acquired such a relish for philosophical studies, that, as Cicero relates, he devoted to them all the leisure he could command 15. His constant companion was Antiochus, the Ascalonite, who was universally esteemed a man of genius and learning. This philosopher, though a pupil of Philo, who, after Carneades, supported the doctrine of the Middle Academy, was a zealous advocate for the system of the Old Academy, and was often called upon by Lucullus, who himself favoured that, system, to argue in the private disputations which were carried on at his house, against the patrons of the Middle Academy, among whom was Cicero. This is the reason why Cicero, in the fourth book of his Academic Questions, assigns to Lucullus the office of defending the Old Academy. In order to promote a general taste for learning and philosophy, Lucullus made a large collection of valuable books, and erected a library, with galleries and schools adjoining, to which he invited learned men of all descriptions, and which, particularly, afforded a welcome retreat to those Greeks, who, at this time, sought in Rome an asylum from the tumults of war.16 This place became the daily resort of men of letters, where every one enjoyed the benefit of reading or conversation, as best suited to his taste. Lucullus himself frequently appeared among his friends (for by this noble act of public munificence, he had made all the lovers of science and literature his friends), and conversed with them in a manner which shewed him to be, not only a patron of philosophers, but himself a philosopher. Others were stimulated, by this example, to afford countenance and protection, in similar ways, to learning of every kind; so that this period may be considered as the first age of philosophy in Rome. The Greek philosophy having been thus transplanted to Rome, the exotic plant flourished with vigour in its new soil. Partly through the instructions of those Grecian phi 15 Acad. Quæst, 1. iv. c. 4. Plut. Lucull. 16 Plut. I. c. et Vit. Ciceronis. Cic. in Lucull. Ac. Qu. 1. iv. Epist. ad Fam, is. Ep. 8. 1. xiii, Ep. Lo losophers who resided in Rome, and partly by means of the practice, which was now commonly adopted, of sending young men from Rome to the ancient schools of wisdom for education, science and learning made a rapid progress, and almost every sect of philosophy found followers and patrons among the higher orders of the Roman citizens. If, however, we apply the term philosopher to those who speculated in Rome, it must be in a sense somewhat different from that in which we have hitherto used it with respect to the Greeks. Among them we have seen, that a philosopher was one, who professionally employed his time in studying and teaching philosophy; and several of these, about the time of which we are now treating, became resident, in this capacity, at Rome. But, among the Romans themselves, there were scarcely any who were philosophers by profession. They who are spoken of under this denomination, were, for the most part, men of high rank, invested with civil or military offices, and occupied in public affairs. They studied philosophy, as they cultivated other liberal arts, rather as a means of acquiring ability, and obtaining distinction, in their civil capacities, or as an elegant amusement in their intervals of leisure, than as in itself an object of attention. This circumstance will serve to account for a fact, which, at first view, may seem surprising; that, notwithstanding the high spirit of the Roman people, they chose rather to pay homage to a conquered nation, by adopting the dogmas of their sects, than to attempt, from their own stores, to form for themselves a new system of philosophy. They did not want ability for undertakings of this nature, but they wanted leisure. They wished to enjoy the reputation and the benefit of wisdom; and therefore studied philosophy under such masters as accident cast in their way, or their particular profession and turn of mind led them to prefer. Thus the Stoic philosophy was, on account of the utility of its moral doctrine, peculiarly adapted to the character and office of lawyers and magistrates; the Pythagoric and Platonic suited the taste of the gloomy and contemplative; and the Epicurean was welcome to those selfish spirits, who were disposed to prefer ignoble sloth to public virtue. Every one found, in the doctrines of some one of the Grecian sects, tenets which suited his own dis |