tiate in so wide a field. Let us, however, re-ness to the Roman character, and served to mark the degree in which the benevolent retard the growth both of luxury and facspirit of Christianity is transfused into our tion. That public spirit which might be political system. As it was the glory of our justified when it applied itself to wars of selfreligion to take the poor under her instruc- defence, became by degrees little better than tion, and to administer her consolations to the principle of a band of robbers on a great the wretched, so it is the beauty of our con- scale; at the best, of honourable robbers, stitution that she considers, not as below her who, for the sake of the spoil, agree fairly to care, the seats of humble but honest indus- co-operate in order to obtain it, and divide it try; the peaceful dwellings, and quiet em- equally when it is obtained. ployments of the lover of domestic comfort.

Again-This vital spirit of our constitution is favourable to virtue, as well as congenial with religion, and conducive to happiness. It checks that spirit of injustice and oppression which is so manifest in the conduct of the ancient republics towards all other nations. It tends to diffuse a general sense of moral obligation, a continual reference to the claims of others, and our own consequent obligations: in short, a continual reference to the real rights of man; a term which, though so shamefully abused, and converted into a watch-word of riot and rebellion, yet, truly and properly understood, is of sound meaning and constant application. By princes especially, these rights should ever be kept in remembrance. They were, indeed, never so well secured, as by that excellent injunction of our blessed Saviour, to do to others as we would have them do to us. And to which the apostle's brief, but comprehensive directions, form an admirable commentary; Honour all menLove your brethren-Fear God-Honour the king.

This public spirit seems to have existed so long as there were any objects of foreign anbition remaining, and so long as any sense was left of foreign danger. Even in the midst of unlawful and unrelenting war, it is important to bear in mind, that many of the ancient virtues were still assiduously culti vated; the laws were still had in reverence, and, in spite of a corrupt polytheism, and of many and great defects in the morality and the constitution of Rome, this was the salt which, for a time, preserved her. The firmness of character, and deep political sagacity of the Romans, seem to have borne an exact proportion to each other. That foreseeing wisdom, that penetrating policy, which led Montesquieu to observe, that they conquered the world by maxims and principles, seem in reality, to have insured the success of their conquests, almost more than their high national valour, and their bold spirit of enterprize.

What was it which afterwards plunged Rome into the lowest depths of degradation, and finally blotted her out from among the nations? It was her renouncing those maxims and principles It was her departure But, to return to the Romans; their very from every virtuous and self-denying habit. patriotism, by leading them to thirst for uni- It was the gradual relaxation of private versal empire, finally destroyed them, being morals. It was the substitution of luxury no less fatal to the morals, than to the great- for temperance. and of a mean and narrow ness of the state. Even their vaunted pub- selfishness for public spirit. It was a conlic spirit partly originated in the necessities tempt for the sober manners of the ancient of their situation. They were a little state, republic, and a dereliction of the old princisurrounded by a multitude of other little ples of government, even while the forms of states, and they had no safety but in union. that government were retained. It was the Necessity first roused the genius of war, introduction of a new philosophy more faand the habits of experienced and success-vourable to sensuality; it was the importaful valour kept him awake. The love of wealth and power, in latter ages, carried on what original bravery had begun; till, in the unavoidable vicissitude of human affairs, Rome perished beneath the weight of that pile of glory which she had been so long rearing."

tion, by her Asiatic proconsuls, of every luxury which could pamper that sensuality. It was, in short, the evils, resulting from those two passions which monopolized their souls, the lust of power, and the lust of gold.These passions operated on each other, as cause and effect, action and reaction; and Their laws and constitution were natural- produced that rapid corruption which Sally calculated to promote their public spirit, lust describes with so much spirit-Mores and to produce their union. Having suc- majorum non paulatim ut antea, sed torrentis ceeded in repelling the attacks of the small modo precipitati. Profligacy, venality, perival powers, and, by their peculiar fortune, culation, oppression succe ded to that simor rather by the designation of Providence, plicity, patriotism, and high-minded disinhaving become the predominating power interestedness, on which this nation bad once. Italy, they proceeded to add conquest to con- so much valued itself, and which had attractquest, making in the pride of conscious sued the admiration of the world. So that periority, wars evidently the most unjust. Rome, in the days of her pristine severity of Yet it must not be denied, that the occupa- manners, and Rome in the last period of her tion which progressive conquests found for freedom, exhibits a stronger contrast than the citizens, communicated a peculiar hardi- will be found between almost any two countries.

or the profligacy of a Piso, but to the general nation. The most amiable of the Roman practice of avowed corruption and system- patriots attributes the antecedent success atic venality By the just judgment of Provi- and grandeur of his country to their convicdence, the enjoyment of the spoils brought tion, that all events are directed by a Dihome from the conquered nations corrupted vine Power;'* and Polybius, speaking the conquerors; and at length compelled merely as a rolitician, accuses some, in his Rome, in her turn, both to fly before her ene- age, of rashness and absurdity, for endeavmies, and to bow down her head under the ouring to extirpate the fear of the gods; demost intolerable domestic yoke. Rome had claring, that what others held to be an obno more the spirit to make any faint strug- ject of disgrace, he believed to be the very gle for liberty after the death of Cæsar, than thing by which the republic was sustained. Greece after that of Alexander, though to He illustrates his position by adducing the each the occasion seemed to present itself. conduct of the two great states, one of which, Neither state had virtue enough left to de- from its adoption of the doctrines of Epicuserve, or even to desire to be free The rus, had no sense of religion left, and consewisdom of Cato should, in the case of Rome, quently no reverence for the solemnities of have discovered this; and it should have an oath, which the other retained in its full spared him the fruitless attempt to restore force If, among the Greeks,' says he, liberty to a country which its vices had en- a single talent only be intrusted to those slaved, and have preserved him, even on his who have the management of any of the own principles, from self-destruction. public money, though they give ten written sureties, with as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, they are unable to discharge the trust reposed in them with integrity,while the Romans, who, in their magistracies and embassies, disburse the greatest sums, are prevailed on, by the single obligation of an oath, to perform their duty with inviolable honesty '†

Among the causes of the political servitude of Rome may be reckoned, in a considerable degree, the institution of the Pretorian bands, who, in a great measure, governed both the Romans and the emperors. These Pretorian bands presented the chief difficulty in the way of good emperors, some of whom they destroyed for attempting to re form them; and of the bad emperors they were the electors.

In perusing the Roman history, these, and other causes of the decline and fall of the empire, should be carefully shown; the tendency of private vices to produce factions, and the tendency of factions to overthrow liberty; a spirit of dissension, and a rapid deterioration of morals, being in all states, the most deadly, and, indeed, the inseparable symptoms of expiring freedom. The no less baneful influence of arbitary power, in the case of the many profligate and cruel emperors who succeeded, should be clearly pointed out.

It is also a salutary lesson on the hunger of conquest, and the vanity of ambition, to trace the Roman power, by its vast accession of territory, losing in solidity what it gained in expansion; furnishing a lasting example to future empires, who trust too much for the stability of their greatness to the deceitful splendor of remote acquisition, and the precarious support of distant colonial attach

ment.

Above all, the fall of Rome may be attributed, in no small degree, to the progress, and, gradually to the prevalence of the epicurean philosophy, and to its effect in taking away that reverence for the gods, which alone could preserve that deep sense of the sanctity of oaths for which Rome, in her better days, had been so distinguished. She had originally established her political system on this fear of the gods; and the people continued, as appears from Livy, to practise the duties of their religion* (such as it was) more scrupulously than any other ancient

In her subsequent total dereliction of this integrity, what a lesson does Rome hold out to us, to be careful not to lose the influences of a purer religion! To guard, especially, against the fatal effects of a needless multiplication of oaths, and the light mode in which they are too frequently administered! The citizens of Rome, in the days of the younger Cato, had no resource left against this pressing evil, because it was in vain to inculcate a reverence for their gods, and to revive the influence of their religion. But, if even the belief of false gods had the power of conveying political and moral benefits, which the dark system of atheism annihilated, how earnestly should we endeavour to remove and diffuse the ancient defence for the true religion, by teaching systematically and seriously, to our youth, the divine principles of that Christianity which, in better times, was the honourable practice of our forefathers, and which can alone restore a due veneration for the solemnity of oaths.

* See Montague on the Rise and Fall of ancient Republics.

+ Hampton's Polybius, vol. ii. book 6. on the excellencies of the Roman government.

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The admiral Hooker observes, that even the falsest religions were mixed with some truths, which had very notable effects.' Speaking of the dread of perjury in the ancient Romans, he adds, 'It was their hurt untruly to attribute so to prosecute, with fearful tokens of divine regreat power to false gods, as that they were able venge, the wilful violation of oaths and execrable blasphemies, offered by deriders of religion even unto those false gods. Yet the right belief which they had, that to perjury vengeance is due, was not without good effect, as touching the course of their lives who feared the wilful violation of oaths.'--Ecclesiastical Polity.

CHAP. IX.

gance; and who, in almost all the transac Characters of historians, who were concerned POLYBIUS, trained to be a statesman in the tions which he relates, magna pars fuit.in the transactions which they record. Achæan league, and a warrior at the conOr the modern writers of ancient history, quest of Carthage; the friend of Scipio, and the young reader will find that Rollin has, the follower of Fabius; and who is said to in one respect, the decided superiority; we be more experimentally acquainted with the mean, in his practice of intermixing useful wars and politics of which he treats, than reflections on events and characters. But, any other Greek. He is, however, more we should strongly recommend the perusal of authentic than entertaining; and the votasuch portions of the original ancient histori- ries of certain modern historians, who are saans, as a judicious preceptor would select. tisfied with an epigram instead of a fact, who And, in reading historians, or politicians, an-like turns of wit better than sound political cient or modern, the most likely way to es- reflections, and prefer an antithesis to truth, cape theories and fables, is to study those will not justly appreciate the merit of Polywriters who were themselves actors in the bius, whose love of authenticity induced him scenes which they record. to make several voyages to the places of Among the principal of these is-THUCY- which his subjects led him to speak. CESAR, DIDES, whose opportunities of obtaining in- of whom it would be difficult to say, whether formation, whose diligence in collecting it, he planned his battles with more skill, fought and whose judgment and fidelity in recording them with more valour, or described them it, have obtained for him the general suffrage with more ability; or whether his sword or of the best judges; who had a considerable pen executed his purposes with more celerishare in many of the events which he re- ty and effect; but, who will be less interestcords, having been an unfortunate, though ing to the general reader, than to the statesmeritorious commander in the Peloponne-man and soldier. His commentaries, indeed, sian war, of which he is the incomparable will be perused with less advantage by the historian-whose chronological accuracy is hereditary successor of the sovereign of a setderived from his early custom of preparing tled constitution, than by those who are materials as the events arose; and whose struggling with the evils of civil commotion. genius confers as much honour, as his un- JOINVILLE, whose life of his great master, merited exile reflects disgrace, on his native saint Louis, is written with the spirit of the Athens. In popular governments, and in ancient nobles, and the vivid earnestness of none perhaps so much as in those of Greece, one, who saw with interest what he describes the ill effects or mismanagement at home with fidelity; having been companion to the have been too frequently charged on those king in the expeditions which he records. who have had the conduct of armies abroad; PHILIPPE DE COMINES, who possessed, by and where a sacrifice must be made, that of his personal concern in public affairs, all the the absent is always the most easy The in- avenues to the political and historical knowtegrity and patriotism of Thucydides, how-ledge of his time, and whose memoirs will be ever, were proof against the ingratitude of admired while acute penetration, sound the republic. His work was as impartial as sense, and solid judgment survive. DAVILA, i Athens had been just; like Clarendon, he who learned the art of war under that great devoted the period of his banishment to the master, Henry the fourth of France, and composition of a history, which was the glo- whose history of the civil wars of that counry of the country that banished him.-A mo- try furnishes a variety of valuable matter; del of candor, he wrote not for a party or a who possesses the happy talent of giving inpeople, but for the world; not for the ap- terest to details, which would be dry in other plause of his age, but the instruction of pos- hands; who brings before the eyes of the terity. And though his energy, spirit, and reader, every place which he describes, and variety must interest all readers of taste, every scene in which he was engaged; while statesmen will best know his value, and po- his intimate knowledge of business, and of liticians will look up to him as a master.- human nature, enables him to unveil with XENOPHON, the Attic bee, equally admira- address, the mysteries of negotiation, and the ble in whatever point of view he is consider-subtilties of statesmen. This excellent work ed; á consummate general, historian, and is disgraced by the most disgusting panegyrphilosopher; who carried on the historic se-ics on the execrable Catharine di Medici, ries of the Greek revolutions from the period an offence against truth and virtue, too glarat which Thucydides discontinued it; like him, was driven into banishment from that country, of which he was so bright an ornament,

ing to be atoned for by any sense of personal obligation. In consequence of this partiality, he speaks of the massacre of saint Bartholomew, as slightly as if it had been a merely common act of necessary rigour on a few by which he describes that tremendous deed.* criminals; an execution being the cool term

And with his exil'd hours enrich'd the world! The conductor and narrator of a retreat more honourable and more celebrated than the victories of other leaders; a writer, who is considered by the first Roman critic, as the of the most elegant works of antiquity, Quintillian's Who can help regretting that the lustre of one most exquisite model of simplicity and ele-Institution of an Orator, should be in a similar manner tarnished by the most preposterous panegyrics on the emperor Domitian!

The writer forbears to name living authors.

GUICCIARDIN, a diplomatic historian, a law- that to which he belonged, and been supportyer, and a patriot; whose tedious orations ed by almost any king but him whom he had and florid style cannot destroy the merit of the misfortune to serve. Clarendon, the his great work, the value of which is enhanc- faithful biographer of his own life; the maed by the piety and probity of his own mind. jestic and dignified historian of the grand reSULLY, the intrepid warrior, the able finan-bellion; whose periods sometimes want cier, the uncorrupt minister, who generally beauty, but never sense, though that sense regulated the deep designs of the consum- is often wrapped up in an involution and permate statesman, by the inflexible rules of re- plexity which a little obscure it; whose style ligion and justice; whose memoirs should be is weighty and significant, though somewhat read by ministers, to instruct them how to retarded by the stateliness of its march, and serve kings; and by kings, to teach them somewhat encumbered with a redundancy of how to choose ministers. CARDINAL DE words. TORCY, whose memoirs, though they RETZ, who delineates with accuracy and may be thought to bear rather hard on the spirit the principal actors in the wars of the famous plenipotentiaries with whom he neFronde, in which he himself had been a chief gotiated, and on the haughtiness of the allies agent; who develops the dissimulation of who employed them, are written with much courts, with the skilfulness of an adept in the good sense, modesty, and temper. They arts which he unfolds, yet affecting, while he present a striking reverse in the fortune of portrays the artifices of others, a simplicity, the imperious disturber of Europe, fallen the very reverse of his real character; while from his high estate.' He who had been his levity in writing retains so much of the used to give his orders from the banks of the licentiousness, and want of moral and reli- Po, the Danube, and the Tagus, is seen regious principle of his former life, that he can- duced to supplicate for peace, and to exnot be safely recommended to those whose change the insolence of triumph for the hope principles of judgment and conduct are not of existence. Two Dutch burgomasters, fixed. Yet, his characters of the two famous haughtily imposing their own terms on a cardinal prime ministers may be read with monarch who had before filled France with advantage by those, whose business leads admiration, and Europe with alarm. This them to such studies. The reader of de reverse must impress the mind of the reader, Retz will find frequent occasion to recog- as it does that of the writer, with an affecting nise the homage which even impiety and sense of that controlling Providence, which vice pay to religion and virtue while the thus derides the madness of ambition, and the abundant corruptions of popery will call forth folly of worldly wisdom; that Providence from every considerate protestant, devout which, in maintaining its character of being sensations of gratitude to Heaven, for hav- the abaser of the proud, produces, by means ing delivered us from the tyranny of a sys- at first sight the most opposite, the accomtem, so favourable to the production of the plishment of its own purposes; and renders rankest abuses in the church, and the gross-the unprincipled lust of dominion the instruest superstition in the people. TEMPLE, the ment of its own humiliation. The difficulzealous negotiator of the triple alliance, and ties of a negociatior, who has to conclude an worthy, by his spirit and candor, to be the as- inglorious though indispensable treaty, are sociate of De Wit in that great business feelingly described, as well as the too naturwhich was transacted between them, with al, though hard fate of a minister, who is the liberal spirit, and honourable confidence driven to such an unfortunate measure as of private friendship. His writings give the that of being considered as the instrument of clearest insight into the period and events of dishonour to his country. His pious recogwhich he treats; and his easy, though care- nition of God, as the supreme disposer of less style, and well-bred manner, would events, is worthy of great praise. The copicome, almost more than any other, under the ous and fluent BURNET, whose diffuse, but description of what may be called the gen- interesting history of his own times, informs teel, did not his vanity a little break the and pleases; though the loose texture of his charm. None, however, except his political slovenly narration would not now be tolerawritings, are meant to be recommended; his ted in a newspaper; who saw a great deal, religious opinions being highly exceptiona- and wishes to have it thought that he saw ble and absurd. Yet it is but justice to add, every thing; whose egotism we forgive for that his unambitious temper, his fondness for the sake of his frankness, and whose minuteprivate life, his enjoyment of its peace, and ness for the sake of his accuracy; who, if his taste for its pleasures, render his charac- ever he exceeds, it is always on the side of ter interesting and amiable. The manners- liberty and toleration; an excess safe enough painting CLARENDON, the able chancellor, when the writer is soundly loyal, and unthe exemplary minister, the inflexible patri questionably pious; and more especially safe ot, who stemmed, almost singly, the torrent when the reader is a prince. LADY RUSof vice, corruption, and venality; and who SELL, worthy of being the daughter of the was not ashamed of being religious in a court virtuous Southampton; too fatally connectwhich was ashamed of nothing else; whom ed with the unhappy politics of the times; the cabal hated for his integrity, and the whose life was a practical illustration of her court for his purity; a statesman who might faith in the divine support, and of submission have had statues erected to him in any other to the divine will; and whose letters, by period but in that in which he lived; would their sound and sober piety, strong sense, have reformed most other governments but and useful information, eclipse all those of

her learned and distinguished correspond

ents.

CHAP. X.

Reflections on History-Ancient Historians

tor.

A prince must not study history merely to store his memory with amusing narratives or insulated events, but with a view to trace the dependence of one event upon another. A common reader will be satisfied with knowing the exploits of Scipio or Hannibal, and will be sufficiently entertained with the IF, however, the historian be a compatri-renowned cities as Carthage or Rome; but description of the riches or beauty of such ot, and especially if he be a contemporary, a prince (who is also a politician) studies hiseven though he was no actor in the drama, tory, in order to observe how ambition, opit is difficult for him not to range himself too erating on the breasts of two rival states, uniformly on one side or the other. The hu- led to one war after another between these man mind has a strong natural bias to adopt two states. By what steps the ruin of the exclusive attachments. Perhaps man may one, and the triumph of the other, were hasbe defined to be an animal that delights in tened or delayed; by what indications the party. Yet we are inclined to believe that final catastrophe might have been antecean historian, though he may be partial and dently known, or by what measures it might interested, yet, if he be keen-sighted and in- have been averted. He is interested not telligent as to the facts of which he speaks, merely when a single event arises, but by the is, on the whole, a better witness than a more whole skill of the game; and he is on this fair and candid, but worse informed man; account, anxious to possess many inferior cirbecause we may more easily calculate the cumstances, serving to unite one event with degree of allowance to be made for partial- another, which, to the ordinary reader, apity and prejudice, than we can estimate that pear insignificant and dull. Again, in the which is to be made for defect of informa- case of Pompey and Cæsar, the reflecting tion. Of two evils, therefore, we should politician connects the triumphs of the latter prefer a prejudiced, but well informed, to a with the political moral state of Rome. He inore impartial, but less enlightened narra- bears in mind the luxurious habits of the patricians, who became the officers in PomWhen materials are fresh, they are more pey's army; the gradual decay of public likely to be authentic; but, unfortunately, spirit, the licentiousness and venality of the when it is more easy to obtain, it is often less capital, and the arts by which Caesar had safe to employ them. When the events are prepared his troops, while they were in Gaul, more remote, their authenticity is more diffi- for the contention which he already meditacult to ascertain; and, when they are near, ted for the empire of the world. He will, in the passions which they excite are more apt idea, see that world already vanquished, to warp the truth. Thus, what might be when he considers the profound policy of this gained in accuracy by nearness of position, conqueror, who, on being appointed to the is liable to be lost in the partiality which that government of Gaul on both sides the Alps, very position induces. The true point of by exciting the Gauls to solicit the same vision is attained, when the eye and the ob privileges with the Italians, opened to himject are placed at their due distance. The self this double advantage: the disturbance reader who comes to the perusal of the work, which this would occasion in Rome, would in a more unimpassioned frame than, per-lift him into absolute power; while, by his haps, the author wrote, will best collect the characters from the narrative, if fairly given. Care should be taken not to extol shining characters in the gross, but to point out their weaknesses and errors; nor should the bril liant qualities of illustrious men be suffered to cast a veil over their vices, or so to fascinate the young reader, as to excite admiration of their very faults Even in perusing The preceptor of the royal pupil will, prosacred history. we should never extenuate, bably, think it advisable to select for her pemuch less justify, the errors of great charac-rusal some of the lives of Plutarch. This ters, but make them, at once, a ground for author teaches two things excellently, antiestablishing the doctrine of general corrup-quity and human nature. He would deserve tion, and for quickening our own vigilance. admiration, were it only for that magazine The weakness of the wisest, and the errors of wisdom, condensed in the excellent sayof the best, while they should be regarded ings of so many great men, which he has rewith candor, must not be held up to imita- corded. Perhaps, all the historians together tion. It has been reasonably conjectured, have not transmitted to us so many of the that many acts of cruelty in Alexander, sage axioms and bon mots of ancient Greece whose disposition was naturally merciful, and Rome. Yet, in his parallels--if that can were not a little owing to one of his precep: be called a parallel which brings together tors having been early accustomed to call himself Phoenix, and his pupil Achilles; and thus to have habitually trained him to an imitation even of the vices of this ferocious hero.

kindness and protection to these people, he gained an accession of strength to overthrow his competitor. The ordinary reader is satisfied with the battle of Pharsalia for the entertainment it affords, and admires the splendor of the triumphs, without considering these things as links that connect the events which are past with those which are to come.

two men which have commonly little or no resemblance, even the upright Plutarch exhibits something too much of the partiality lately noticed; the scale, whenever he weighs one of his own countrymen against a