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Read in Greek gift? known to ye thus Ulysses? Or in this wood enclosed, Achivi hide;

Or 'tis a gin contrived against our walls, Our houses to espy, and from above Come down upon the city; or there lurks Some error; Trojans, credit not the horse; I fear the Danaï, albeit gift-bearing." (n) He said; and forceful hurled against the curved (0) Compaginate, and side of the beast's belly,

of the future splendor of Schiller's genius, occur every now and then in his "Freie Uebersetzung" of the 2nd and 4th books of the Eneis; which is, however, on the whole, an inferior production, evincing not merely immaturity of poetical power, but a considerable want of perception of the delicacies of Virgil's expressions, and even some ignorance of the Latin language.

(n) V. 50.-Validis ingentem viribus &c. The great size of the spear, and the force with which it is hurled, are not matters of indifference, but absolutely necessary to the production, on the huge mass of which the horse consisted, of the considerable effect described by the words

Uteroque recusso, Insonuere cavae gemitumque dedere cavernae. Of the five terms most frequently used by Virgil to express the casting of a spear, viz., jacio, conjicio, torqueo, intorqueo, and contorqueo, the two first are the weakest, and signify, jacio, simply to throw ; conjicio, to throw with the collected force of the individual, which, however, needs not be great, for the term is applied v. 545, to Priam throwing his imbelle telum sine ictu. The three latter signify to hurl; torqueo, simply to hurl; intorqueo, to hurl forcibly; contorqueo, with all the collected strength of a powerfully strong

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man, con when applied in composition to the act of one, being no less inten sive than when applied to that of a number of individuals; in the former case, indicating that the act is the result of the whole collected power of the one, in the latter that it is the result of the collected power of the several individuals concerned.

Impello, although interpreted by Heyne in his gloss on En. i, v. 82, intorqueo, immitto, is neither there, nor any where else, used in that sense; but always in the sense of pushing; either physically pushing, as in the passage just quoted (see Note, En. i, 81; see also En. vii, 621; viii, 239; &c.); or metaphorically pushing, as En. i, 11 ii, 55, 520; &c.

(0) V. 51.-In latus, inque feri curvam compagibus alvum. In alvum is not, as maintained by Thiel, and after him by Forbiger, into the alvus; 1st. Because there is much harshness in interpreting the in before alvum, so very differently from the in before latus, of which it is the mere repetition. 2ndly. Because the word recusso, v. 52, plainly implies that the interior of the horse was only concussed, not perforated. 3rdly. Because the expression ferro foedare, v. 55, almost expresses that the interior had not been previously foedata ferro. 4thly. Because the words tergo intorserit, v. 231, limit the

(P) Huge spear, that fixed and trembled: hollow sounded The concussed womb, and through its caverns groaned. Then, had the Fates and our own senselessness

Not gainsaid, our incited steel had foul

Dishonor wrought to the Argolic lay-wait:

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Thou, Troy, hadst lived; thou, Priam's high arx, stood firm.

'But see! yon Dardan shepherds toward the king, A stranger youth, with hands behind him bound, Drag, shouting; who, this stratagem to work, (9) And Troy to the Achivi to betray,

lesion made by the cuspis, v. 230, to the tergum, a term never applied except to the exterior of the body. For all these reasons I reject Thiel's interpretation, and understanding (with Wagner) que to be taken epexegetically (see note, En. i, 496; ii, 18,) render the passage, against that part of the side, which was the alvus or belly. Thus the precise position of the wound is determined to have been in the hinder part of the side, corresponding to the cavity of the belly, not of the chest; and in the lateral part of the belly, not the under part. Virgil chooses this position for the wound, with great propriety, because the portion of the horse's side corresponding to the belly, being much larger than that corresponding to the chest, not only afforded a better mark to Laocoon, but was precisely the part where the enclosed persons were principally situated.

(p) V. 53.—Insonuere cavae, gemitumque dedere cavernae. Not cavae cavernae insonuere, but cavernae insonuere cavae: que is epexegetic, and the meaning is, not that the hollow caverns both sounded and groaned, but that the caverns sounded hollow, and their hollow sound was like a groan. See note, ii, 552. The editors, not

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understanding the structure, have omitted to place a comma at cavae. (q) V. 60.-Hoc ipsum ut strueret, Trojamque aperiret Achivis. Que is here epexegetic, (see notes, En. i, 496; ii, 18); and the meaning is, that he might effect this very thing, and so open a way for the Greeks into Troy; aperiret being taken not in the sense of opening a door, (and open Troyè's gates unto the Greeks.' Surrey), but in its equally usual sense, of opening a way or means, or clearing a passage, as En. x, 13 and 864. Accordingly Sinon aperit Trojan Achivis, 1st. Struendo hoc ipsum, sciz., by telling so plausible a story as to induce the Trojans to take both himself and the horse into the city; and 2ndly. By letting his confederates out of the horse during the night. Virgil has not informed us whether it was Sinon himself, or some of those confederates, who actually opened the city gates; and from this circumstance alone, (independently of the argument derivable from the more elegant structure and the more poetic meaning,) we might safely infer that Virgil did not use the word aperiret in the sense ascribed to it by Surrey.

As open, the corresponding English word, is subject to the very same am

Had, in their path, himself unsought presented;
Assured, and for the alternative prepared,

To overreach, or die not doubtful death.

Eager to see, Troy's youth from every side
Circumfused rush, and vie to mock the prisoner.

(r) "The ambush of the Danaï" now hear,

And from the single, learn the general crime.
For in mid-sight, confused, as there he stood,
(s) And helpless, and the Phrygian lances eyed round :—
“What land, alas! shall refuge me," he says,

"Or sea? or what resource now for a wretch,
To whom among the Danaï no place,

Whose forfeit life's-blood even the very Dardan

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Incensed demands ?" Changed by that moan our spirit,
Repressed all onslaught; we exhort him speak,

biguity as the Latin aperio, I have thought it better not to use it, lest I should lead my readers into the same error into which Virgil's own word has led so many readers of the original.

(r) V. 65.—Danaum insidias. These words are plainly repeated from Dido's request to Eneas. En. i, 754. I have, therefore, in my translation, placed them between inverted commas.

(s) V. 67.-Inermis. As arma means not merely weapons, whether offensive or defensive, but all kinds and means of offence or defence, so its compound inermis means not merely without weapons, but without any means of offence or defence, helpless, defenceless. The latter is the sense in which I think it is used in the passage before us, because, 1st. It is not to be supposed that Virgil, having told us that Sinon was a prisoner, with his hands bound behind his back, would think it necessary to inform us almost instantly afterwards, that he was unarmed or

without weapons. And 2ndly. Because, even if Sinon had not been bound, weapons could have been of no avail to him against the agmina by whom he was surrounded, and therefore the want of them made no real difference in his condition, and could not have been assigned, even by poetical implication, as a reason for his emotion or conduct. It is in this strong sense of utterly without means of offence or defence, and not in its literal sense of weaponless, that inermes is to be understood also in Tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermes, En. i, 487; because, although it might have contributed to the pathos of the picture, to have represented a young warrior's hands as stretched out weaponless, it could have had no such effect to have so represented the hands of Priam, who was so old as to be unable to wield weapons, and was equally inermis, (helpless and defenceless), whether he had arms in his hands or not. See En. ii, 509, 510, et seq.

His birth declare, and business, and what hope For him a captive. From his fear at last, (t) He says, recovered:-" All, whatso it be,

() V. 76.-Depositá tandem formidine. I cannot agree with Heinsius and Brunck that this verse is objectionable, much less that it should be expunged, on the ground that it attributes fear to Sinon, whom Virgil but a few lines previously has represented as fidens animi, atque paratus &c. Neither do I plead in its defence, with Heyne and some other commentators, that Sinon first pretends to be agitated with fear (turbatus), and then pretends to lay his fear aside, "fingit Sinon et hoc, quasi deposuerit formidinem." Heyne. On the contrary I think that Virgil, having represented Sinon as entering upon the execution of his plot with boldness and confidence, represents him as really turbatus, agitated and frightened, when he comes to be actually confronted with the danger, and then as really recovering from his agitation when he finds that the immediate danger is over, and that the Trojans, instead of putting him to death instantly on the spot, are willing to hear what he has to say.

Turbatus means really agitated, and depositá formidine, really recovering self-possession, because, 1st. If Virgil had intended to express by these words only simulated emotion, it cannot be doubted that he would have afforded some clue by which his intention might have been discovered; but he has not only not afforded any such clue, but has actually assigned sufficient cause for real emotion; Sinon is turbatus, because he stands inermis in the midst of the Phrygia agmina; and, depositá formidine, fatur, because conversi animi, compressus et omnis Impetus. 2ndly. If the words mean only simulated emotion, then Virgil represents Sinon as of such heroic constancy and resolution as to look upon instant

violent death without blenching; which is to hold him up, for so far at least, as an object of respect, and even of admiration, to Eneas's hearers as well as to Virgil's readers, and thus to contradict the intention (evidenced by the terms dolis, arte, insidiis, crimine, scelerum tantorum, perjuri), of representing him as a mean-minded man entering upon a dishonorable and dangerous enterprise, with an audacious confidence (fidens animi, atque paratus &c.), in his own cunning and duplicity. 3rdly. It is altogether unlikely that Virgil should here employ to express simulated, the very same words which he employs En. iii, 612, in a similar context and similar circumstances, to express real emotion. 4thly. There is a perfect harmony between fidens animi, atque paratus &c., and turbatus understood to mean real agitation, because a man may enter upon a dangerous undertaking with confidence and even with courage (which latter quality however, it will be observed, is not expressed either by fidens animi, or paratus &c.) and yet quail before the instant, imminent danger, as exquisitely shown by Homer in his most natural and touching account of Hector's flight before Achilles: how much more then the wretch Sinon! 5thly. Turbatus means real, not simulated agitation, because real agitation was more likely to move the Trojans to pity than any simulation of it. Virgil, therefore, taking the most effectual method of moving the hearts of the Trojans, and recollecting perhaps the advice of his friend Horace, Si vis me flere, primum flendum est ipsi tibi, presents Sinon to them in a state of real agitation, pleading for his life with all the eloquence of unaffected fear. So Davos, (Ter. And. 4, 5) instead of acquainting

Truly to thee, O king, I will confess, Nor of Argolic nation will deny me;

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Mysis with his plot, and instructing her what answers she should give to Chremes, prefers to place her in such a situation, that, speaking the truth, and in entire ignorance of his design, her answers must yet of necessity be the very answers which he desired; and when Mysis afterwards inquires why he had not schooled her as to his intentions, replies, Paullum interesse censes ex animo omnia ut fert natura facias, an de industriâ? It was inconsistent with Virgil's plot, to make Sinon speak the truth, but he could with perfect consistency, and therefore did, represent him as actuated by real emotion; which real emotion is in express terms contrasted with his false words at v. 107, Prosequitur pavitans, et ficto pectore fatur.

The reader will, however, observe that Virgil, always judicious, carefully avoids ascribing extreme fear or agitation to Sinon; he is turbatus (agitated), pavitans (trembling), but he does not, like Dolon, his undoubted original, become Χλωρος ὑπαι δεις, nor do his teeth chatter, agaßos de dia doμa yovel odola. Such extreme degree of terror, although beautifully consistent with the simple undisguised confession of Dolon, would have been wholly incompatible with the cunning and intricate web, which Sinon, almost from the first moment he opens his mouth, begins to wrap round the Trojans. It is therefore with the strictest propriety and observance of nature that Virgil represents Sinon, at first bold and confident; then disconcerted and agitated at the prospect of immediate death; then reassured by the encouragement he received; then again losing confidence when the Trojans manifest the vehement impatience expressed by the words Tum vero ardemus scitari &c., and, with renewed fear and trembling

(pavitans), pursuing his feigned narrative; and then, finally, when he had received an absolute promise of personal safety, going on, without further fear or hesitation, to reveal the pretended secret of his compatriots.

Throughout the whole story the reader must never forget that, although it was Virgil's ultimate object to deceive the Trojans, by means of Sinon, with respect to the horse, yet he had another object also to effect, (prior in point of time, and not less important than his ultimate object, because absolutely indispensable to the attainment of that ultimate object,) viz., to save Sinon's life, or, in other words, to assign to his reader sufficiently probable and natural reasons why the Trojans did actually spare his life, and did not, as might have been expected, execute such summary judgment upon him as Diomede and Ulysses executed upon Dolon under similar circumstances. Accordingly, the first words which he puts into the mouth of Sinon are a thrilling exclamation of despair, a piteous cry for mercy, Heu! quae nunc tellus, &c. This has the effect of staying the uplifted sword, of averting the first and instant danger, compressus et omnis Impetus; they encourage him to speak, to tell who he is, and why he should not meet the captive's doom; Sinon respires, recovers his self-possession, and endeavoring to make good his ground, and strengthen the favorable impression produced by his first words, says, that he was the friend of that Palamedes, of whose unjust condemnation and death they might have heard, and the principal cause of which was the opposition given by him to the undertaking of the war against Troy; and that he had not, like the other Greeks, come to the war out of hostility to the Trojans, or

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