to be realized, and finding themselves disappointed, have vented their displeasure in frivolous clamour and unfounded complaint.

But, as it might be ungenerous to stigmatize a whole people, in cases where the blame ought to fall only on a few, it is proper too state, that much of the public ferment about this time, arose from the conduct of some factious demagogues, who, by artful insinuations, were too successful in reviving old prejudices, and making their countrymen believe that they still laboured under grievances, to which they ought not tamely to submit.*

The concessions made to Ireland, and the freedom of commerce, had not produced so many, or so great advantages as had, perhaps, so sanguinely been expected. Several of the Irish merchants, in their eagerness to profit by the advantage of foreign trade, which they had so recently acquired, seemed almost to have forgotten, that foreign trade can be supplied only from a redundance of commodities and manufactures over the demand for home consumption; they, therefore, precipitately pushed all kinds of goods, many of them in a very imperfect state,+ to America and other foreign countries, and were much disappointed at finding their remittances slow and precarious. The consequence was, that the manufactures of the country, which next to agriculture, ought to be the chief object of attention, as the basis of all trade, were starved for want of capital; and the labouring manufacturers, with the lower classes

* Lest the Irish should think that I have here been illiberal, I shall beg leave to refer to the following observations of a respectable writer, who certainly could have no motive for distorting the picture which he has drawn: "But such is our miserable nature, that discontent, delusion, and extravagancies seem to gain ground; they have spread over the land under circumstances which ought to have produced the most opposite effects; and no longer ago than last summer, if we may give any credit to public prints, Ireland appeared to have neither constitution, nor government, nor common sense: aggregate, or other meetings, had announced that a total change was necessary, that the parliaments were bad, that they were dependent, and this shortly after parliament had asserted the independence of the legislature, and had gained more popular advantages for the country, than all the parliaments of Ireland ever had done.

"The people were clamorously declared to be enslaved, at the very time when they were manifestly superior to all control, either of reason or law. Meetings were held for unlawful purposes. The public papers were filled with treason against the constitution and the established government; the wild and baneful idea of separation from Great Britain, was discussed in idle speeches, without exciting either astonishment or indignation. Various means were adopted to inflame, and all arts employed to persuade, that the manufactures were declining, notwithstanding the most glaring proofs to the contrary.

"It is sometimes difficult to account for popular discontent; but in the instance here described, it is evident that they had no foundation, and that they were fomented by men, who knew they had no chance of notice but in times of anarchy and disorder, and who in hope of plundering the wreck enjoy the storm." Lord Sheffield's Observations on the Manufactures and Trade of Ireland. London, 1785. 3d. edit. p. 353, 354. + Many of the Irish goods exported were of such defective quality, owing to the infant state of most of the manufactures, that the character, and, consequently, the interest of Irish manufactures and commerce, were very much injured by their premature appearance in foreign markets. See Wallace's Essay on the Manufactures of Ireland, p. 77.

in general, were reduced to the greatest distress, and of course became discontented and riotous. At the same time, a number of people, misapprehending the cause of this evil, imagined that if foreign manufactures, including British, could be entirely shut out by high duties, those of Ireland could not fail to flourish. A general outcry was, thus raised for protecting duties, as they were called, and this was succeeded by the adoption of non-importation agreements in every part of the country. So general was the public clamour in favour of this expedient, that even the Grand Jury of the city of Dublin, which had usually been under the influence of the court, gave their sanction, on this occasion, to the popular agreement, and the parliament of Ireland, though they refused to enact the protecting duties, imposed duties on British refined sugar, wine, and printed callicoes, in order to secure a preference to their own manufactures of these articles. It was not, however, to be expected, that every one should resist the temptation of breaking through the non-importation agreement; but those who ventured to transgress, were, as soon as discovered, subjected by the populace to the American punishment of tarring and feathering.* A magnificent coach was also smeared over with tar, because it had been made by Hatchet of London; and it is reported, that it was in agitation, to clothe the Lord Lieutenant himself, in a complete dress of this new species of Irish manufacture.

With a view of allaying these discontents, which seemed likely to be attended with some serious evil, great exertions were made the year following, that is, in the year 1785, to establish a regular and permanent system of commercial regulations, on the principle of reciprocal advantage to both countries. This important object was introduced into the parliament of Ireland by Mr. Orde, on the 7th of February, in the form of propositions for regulating the trade with the colonies and between the two kingdoms, together with an offer of compensation for the concessions to be made by Great Britain. These passed through both the houses of the Irish parliament in the course of a few days; and on the 22d of the same month, were laid before the British House of Commons, and though a committee of the principal manufacturers of the kingdom gave it as their opinion, that if the propositions were adopted, the manufacturers of this country would be obliged to transfer their capital and works to Ireland, on account of the lighter taxes and lower price of labour, they received the sanction of the House of Commons on the 12th of May, or rather at eight o'clock on the morning of the 13th.+

Though these propositions had excited great alarm, and were generally disliked

This mode of punishment, practised by the American rabble, is said to be as old as the expedition of Richard the I. to the Holy Land; for that prince ordered that boiling pitch should be poured over the heads of thieves, and that they should then be covered with feathers, as a mark to know them by. Such offenders were also to be set on shore on the first land that occurred. Hoveden inter Script. post. Bedam. 1. 379. b. + Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 84.

in England, as conferring too great advantages on the trade of Ireland, they met with no better reception in that country, where they were considered by most people, as sacrificing the manufactures and commerce, and annihilating the honour and independence of the kingdom. When again submitted to the Irish Parliament and put to the vote, the majority in favour of the question being only nineteen, it was considered so small that the bill was withdrawn, and the measure afterwards abandoned.*

In 1785, many of the inhabitants of Geneva having quitted that little commonwealth, in consequence of the political dissensions which had for some time prevailed there; a plan was formed for establishing a colony of them in Ireland, as it was hoped that they might contribute towards introducing a spirit of industry into the country. The sum of £50,000. was granted by Parliament to defray the expense of their removal, and for building a town for them, to be called New Geneva; but these emigrants' demanding certain privileges which they were refused, the greater part of the intended colonists altered their mind, and those who had come, not finding their expectations fulfilled, soon quitted the country. Such was the end of a project, which for nearly four years had attracted much public attention, and from which it was imagined that great advantages would arise, as well to the new citizens as to the country.+

By an act passed in 1787, all vessels registered in Ireland, agreeably to an act of the parliament of that kingdom, were to enjoy all the privileges of British vessels.§

In 1788, an attempt was made to reduce the rate of interest in Ireland from six to five per cent., and a bill for that purpose was carried through the House of Commons; but it was rejected by the peers of that kingdom.||

In consequence of the attempts made in Ireland, to throw off all connexion between that country and Great Britain, it was thought proper to revive the ancient proposal for incorporating the two countries by an union, similar to that between England and Scotland. This important measure met, however, with a very strenuous opposition in the parliaments of both kingdoms; but it was finally carried by majorities in both, without the intervention of commissioners on either side, and ratified by the royal assent. ¶

The Act of Union consists of eight articles, the principal heads of which are as follows:

I. From the 1st day of January 1801, the two kingdoms are united into one, by the name of The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

II. The succession to the crown of the united kingdom continues limited and settled according to the existing laws, and the terms of the union between England and Scotland.

III. The United Kingdom is represented in one and the same parliament, to be styled The Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

IV. The Irish peerage is represented by four lords spiritual, elected in rotation of sessions, and twenty-eight lords temporal, each elected for life, to sit in the House of Lords, of the Parliament of the United Kingdom: and the commons of Ireland are represented by one hundred members. Irish peers, not elected for the united parliament, may still be elected representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, relinquishing for the time their privilege of peerage.

V. The churches of England and Ireland, as established by law, are united in one protestant episcopal church, to be called the United Church of England and Ireland. The doctrine, worship, &c. shall remain in full force for ever, as now established for the Church of England: and this shall be an essential fundamental part of the union.

VI. From the first day of January, 1801, His Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and Ireland are entitled to the same privileges, and are on the same footing, as to encouragements and bounties on articles of the produce or manufacture of either country; and, generally, in respect of trade and navigation in all parts of the united kingdom and its dependencies. All produce or manufactures of either country may be carried to the other, without prohibition, and without any bounties neither shall any duty be charged on them, except certain permanent countervailing duties on particular articles, contained in a schedule annexed to the act, and other duties, for a term of twenty years, on articles contained in another schedule, &c.

VII. The interests of the national debt, incurred in either kingdom before the union, and the sinking fund, for the redemption of it, are to be provided for by each kingdom separately. For the future expenditure of the united kingdom, Great Britain shall provide fifteen-seventeenth parts, and Ireland two, till the first of Ja-' nuary, 1821; after which, the expenditure, except that attending the separate debt of each kingdom, shall be defrayed in such portions, as shall be directed by parliament, from time to time. The debts, to be contracted in future, shall be on the joint account of the united kingdom, and be provided for in the proportion of the contributions of each country, subject, however, to the modification of parliament.

VIII. All laws in force, and all courts of judicature, established in either kingdom at the time of the union, shall remain; subject, however, to the modification of parliament.

Commerce may be divided into two kinds, foreign and domestic.

In Ireland, domestic trade in towns is carried on in the same manner as in other civilized countries, by means of money tokens, which determine the value of differ

ent articles, according to an assumed, but imaginary standard. In places, however, remote from towns, the exchange of commodities is carried on by tally payments, without the intervention of circulating medium, a circumstance which forms a striking difference between the state of Ireland and of England. This arises from the want of that due division of labour, which always takes place as a country advances in wealth; and where it exists, as it renders capital unnecessary, it leaves no stimulus for the industry of the inhabitants. Under this system, people purchase at the dearest rate without knowing it, and, to use their own expression, are placed under the complete "control of their masters;" "for there is no man not oppressed under the extremest misery, that is not in a situation to consume several things which are neither ga thered nor fabricated, except in places considerably distant from him, and not less distant from each other."*

I am much astonished that this custom, which prevails throughout the greater part of Ireland, has never been noticed by writers who visited that country. I remember to have seen persons who had no knowledge whatever, either of money or of the English language, coming to a house where I was visiting, at a season when little employment was to be found, sauntering about or sitting over a turf fire the whole day, and afterwards applying to their master for some potatoes, which they quietly received, desiring him to " put them to account." In a word, wool, flax, and every article of consumption, which enters into the commerce of a country, pass from one hand to another in this way.

One source of internal commerce, however, in Ireland, intimately connected with foreign trade, is the sale of produce which finds its way abroad, and the disposal of foreign productions imported, both of which frequently pass through many hands, yielding a profit to each. The extent of this trade will be seen by the imports and exports, a table of which I have drawn up. In consequence of prohibitory laws, and the habits which these have induced, this commerce is very much confined to Great Britain and Scotland; but if there were no other motives for this limitation, self-interest would turn the current of trade into the same channel. Great Britain offers the greatest advantages, and the Irish, in both cases, act wisely in dealing at the best market. The superior skill of the British workmen and artisans renders their articles much cheaper; and the opulence of British merchants enables them to sell on longer credit, circumstances which give a decided superiority to our trade over that of every other country in the world.

That part of the Irish trade which properly comes under the denomination of foreign, is very small. The amount is exactly ascertained, and I have given it in a subsequent table.

*Reflections on the Promotion and Distribution of Wealth, by M. Turgot. Not having the original, I have been obliged to quote from the translation. Lond. 1795.