Page images
PDF
EPUB

He made their cause look better by re- was nearly straight, and direct; but, moving all that was unsightly and unbe- wherever habit did not arbitrarily prevail, coming, and advanced it in the estimation or personal honour was not pledged, the of every man who hated to be bullied and members brought their minds to the disbrow-beaten. He wished to separate the cussion totally disengaged. The project Catholic Association and the Catholic of breaking it up and forming a completely question: the hon. and learned gentleman new one from the different benches of that wished to confound them.-There were House, would be found not quite so easy parts of the speech of the hon. and in practice. No doubt a competent learned gentleman which from being ad- ministry might be selected from the dressed to himself so personally, placed benches opposite; but if the hon. and him in a difficult situation, inasmuch as he learned gentleman could have the satisfacmust either pass by that which obviously tion of ousting him, he would not, in all meant to apply to him, from affected in- probability, have the satisfaction of sucdifference, or he must detain the House ceeding him. All he desired, either of with explanations which referred chiefly him or the House, was to consider rightly to his own conduct. The hon. and the terms which were objected to in the learned gentleman had almost in so Address. The king stated in his Speech, many words-asked him "Why do not that associations existed in Ireland which you, who have felt your power in carrying had adopted proceedings not recona particular question against the views cileable with the laws and the constiof an opposing minister, adhere to the tution. As those proceedings tended same means" (probably alluding to a to public mischief, it was recommended to supposed alternative of resigning office), parliament to consider of an adequate "and insist upon carrying the Catholic remedy. The House of Commons was question also?" He objected to both about to reply by promising that it would do premises and conclusion. Suppose the so. What less could the House do, unless premises true, did the hon. and learned they took the description given by the gentleman see no difference between the hon. and learned gentleman of the CaSouth American and the Catholic ques- tholic Association, as a body possessing the tion? "What had a minister to fear," whole authority in Ireland, enjoying undiasked the hon. and learned gentleman, vided allegiance, exercising all the powers "with this House, these benches the coun- of government, issuing the only commands try, all England, at his back?" To which which were effectually obeyed, and.levyhe would propose another question, "What ing revenues? Unless they were prewould a minister do with only these pared to say, that a power thus formidbenches, and with no England at his able ought to exist-that it had a right to back?" [Cheers.] His answer to the hon. sit beside the government, or to tower and learned gentleman was, that he must above it-they could not refuse their reserve to himself the right of judging assurance to the Crown, that they would how, when, at what period, and in what take an early opportunity of considering manner, to give up either his office or his the means of putting down so enormous life in support of that or any other cause: an evil. Nothing less could be proposed he would not consent to have the oppor- in reply to the Speech, unless they were tunity chosen for him, especially by one prepared to say, that the Catholic Assowho might happen to have some col- ciation ought to exist in this unlimited -lateral interest in the event. One assump-authority and plenitude of power. The tion of the hon. and learned gentleman's he must positively deny. He assumed the notion of a cabinet divided into two parties, and that a certain member of it who was opposed to him upon the Catholic question, was also opposed to him on that of South America. He was entirely mistaken. He assured the hon. and learned gentleman that the line which was frequently drawn between the supposed liberals and illiberals of the cabinet council was by no means a straight but a serpentine line. As it regarded the Catholic question, it

hon. and learned gentleman seemed to treat lightly all those measures which the prevalence of a liberal policy had adopted for the advantage of the silk and other trades, and the steps taken towards the recognition of the new South American States. The hon. and learned gentleman was not an unfrequent speaker in that house, and when he did favour them, he was not generally remarkable for being concise; having, in the course of his parliamentary life, proposed and supported almost every species and degree of innova

tion, which could be practised towards the | which might be soon reached, and almost constitution, it was not very easy for minis- as soon lost-or by another course, so ters to do any thing in the affair of South strictly guarded, that no principle was America, without borrowing, or seeming violated, and no strict offence given to to borrow, something from the hon, and other powers. The three States with learned gentleman. Their views might be which the British government had to deal, shut up by circumstances which they were Buenos-Ayres, Colombia, and must consult, though he need not-like Mexico. He flattered himself that he as among ice in a northern winter. In could satisfy the House, that no earlier time the thawing proceeds so that they could either of them have been recognised. were able to come out. But, break away As to Buenos Ayres, it was undoubtedly in what direction they would, whether true, that the Spanish forces were sent they took to the left or right, it was all away many years since. Long ago the alike. "Oho!" said the hon. and learned contest with the mother country had gentleman, "I was there before you- ceased. But his hon. and learned friend you would not have thought of that, now, knew. well, that Buenos Ayres comprised if I had not given you a hint." In the thirteen or fourteen small and separate reign of queen Anne there was a sage states, which were not till very lately and grave critic of the name of Dennis, collected into any federal union. Would who, in his old age, got it into his head, it not have been an absurdity to have that he wrote all the good plays that were treated with a power which was incapable acted at that time. At last, a tragedy of answering for the conduct of the comcame forth with a most imposing storm munities of which it was composed? So of hail and thunder. At the first peal, soon as it was known that a consolidation "That's my thunder," said Dennis. So, had taken place, the treaty with Buenos with the hon. and learned gentleman there Ayres was signed. Next, as to Colombia. was no noise or stir for the good of man- As late as 1822, the last of the Spanish kind, in any part of the globe, but he in- forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, stantly claimed it for his thunder. All which was, up till that time, held for the the commercial advantages which the king of Spain. It was only since that country had reaped by the repeal of the time that Colombia could have been adduties on silk or cotton, or the reduction mitted as a state of separate existence. of the taxes; in fact, all popular mea- Some time after that, however, Colombia sures whatever, were selected by the hon. chose to risk her whole force, and a great and learned gentleman as his peculiar part of her treasure, in a distant war with handy work. One thing, he had, how- Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise ever, kindly thrown overboard, which proved disastrous, the expedition would was to be divided between government have returned with the troops to re-esand his hon. and learned friend the mem-tablish the royal authority. The danger ber for Knaresborough, and that was the subject of South America. He wished to hear from the member for Knaresborough to what degree he claimed South America for his thunder. The hon. and learned gentleman was very cautious in his praise. Much had been done to which he could not object; but then, for fear that ministers should feel too proud, he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. Now, if he piqued himself upon any thing in the South American negotiations, it was upon the subject of time. As to the propriety of admitting states which had successfully shaken off their dependence on the mother country, to the rights of nations, there could be no dispute.. There were two ways of proceeding where the case was more questionable recklessly, and with a hurried course, to the object,

was now at an end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither, and re-possess his abdicated throne. Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the government for Mexico? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition; and, the instant the failure was known, the decision of the British cabinet was taken. There fore, so far from the time being ill chosen-so far from the measures being tardily adopted-it was not physically or morally possible to have anticipated them, even by a few weeks. Now, with respect to the mode in which this great object has been effected, he was bound to say, whatever fault had been found with it,

that it was the best and wisest that could | ingly mistaken. War lay here and here; have been adopted. His noble friend, it was on the right and on the left of our who had opened this debate so creditably path; our course lay in the middle: we to himself, and who, he would add, had took that course, and arrived at the discovered, in his subsequent observa- object of our solicitude honourably and tions, short as they were, powers to vin- peaceably. Was this mode of proceeding dicate himself, which proved that he was unsatisfactory, because there did not perfectly able to take a conspicuous part exist in the archives of his office a single in the deliberations of that assembly, had document relative to this question which already touched upon this topic in a very Spain had not seen, and of which the satisfactory manner. Still, however, he powers in alliance with this country had felt it necessary to say something further not been supplied with copies? Was this on the subject. The hon. and learned transaction deemed unsatisfactory, be gentleman had said, that there was some- cause Spain was told, that if she would thing mean and paltry in negociating a take the precedence, in recognising the intreaty, as the prelude to recognition. He dependence of the colonies, this country wished the business to have been con- would be content to follow her steps, and cluded in a more summary way. He to allow to her a priority in the markets approved of the act itself in the abstract, of those colonies? Was the arrangement but he objected to the mode in which it unsatisfactory, because, proceeding alone, was effected. Now, to go back to a period England disdained to take any unfair ad of British history which was perfectly vantages of a friendly state? Was it unwell known to all, he would ask what satisfactory, because we saw, that whoever was the conduct of France with respect might follow us in recognizing the into the United States of America? The dependence of those states, would be fact was, that the ambassadors of the placed by our side, and would enjoy equal United States were not admitted to the advantages with ourselves? The hon. and court of France, until the signature of a learned gentleman admitted that he ap treaty. Such was the mode of recog-proved of the measure, but stated that he nition in that case; and the treaty was disapproved both of the mode and the quoted to this country as a confession of time. Now, he would say to the hon. that act. But, this was not all. France and learned gentleman in return, that the not only acknowledged the independence credit of the measure might be his, or it of the United States before it was recog- might be that of his hon. and learned nised by the mother country; she entered friend (sir J. Mackintosh); but he (Mr. into a treaty of alliance, offensive and C.) would claim for himself the merit of defensive, with those states; and thus that to which the hon. and learned gentleshe became the enemy of England, with man affixed blame-namely, selecting the whom she had previously maintained re- time, and devising the mode, in which this lations of amity. He wished that those object was to be effected. And he trustwho opposed the course adopted by his ed, that by this plain conduct, by this tem majesty's ministers would speak out: he perate-this tardy policy, if they pleased wished they would state explicitly why so to call it-the country had got rid of they objected to the mode in which the all the dangers which otherwise would recognition was effected. Did they in- have accompanied the recognition. Did tend to argue, that this measure was im- they not know-could he attempt to conperfect, because it was not accompanied ceal-that by this step England had of by war? Did they dislike it, because it fended many interests? Had she not was not accompanied by military prepa- called forth many regrets? Had she not ration? The task which he had to per- excited much anger? Had she not raised form was, to arrive at this great object-up considerable ill-feeling? Had she not an object in unison with the wishes of the country-without giving just cause of war to France or any other power. There might be something mean and huckstering in this mode of proceeding, at least so the hon. and learned gentleman seemed to suppose; but, if he thought that war was not to be had, without some little dexterity (a laugh), he was exceed

created passions of no favourable nature? This was the fact. Still, however, he entertained the most sanguine hopes, that those evil feelings and angry passions would exhale themselves, and subside in mere words, and that the peace of the world would continue to be preserved. Notwithstanding the unsparing blame which the hon. and learned gentleman

had cast on the work which had been just completed, he (Mr. C.) thought that ministers had done their duty, on this, point at least; and he was ready to abide the judgment of the House and of the country. He did not think there was in the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman any other topic that called for particular notice. The hon. and learned gentleman had satisfied himself by entering his protest, with respect to the only matter of dispute that was likely to grow out of this Address. He was ready, when the proper time arrived, to meet the hon. and learned gentleman on that subject, feeling perfectly confident, that he should be able to show that the interposition of the legislature was absolutely necessary. There were one or two points which he was not exactly called on to notice, but on which it would, perhaps, be proper that he should say a few words. He alluded more particularly to the treaty with the United States of America relative to the slave-trade. The House would recollect that, at the beginning of the last session of parliament, a proposal was received from the United States of America, to carry into effect a measure for putting an end to the slave-trade, by giving to each power the right of mutual search. The treaty was drawn up by the ministers of the United States; and in the course of the negotiation, some alterations in the treaty were made in it here. By the constitution of the United States, the power of ratification was placed, not in the Executive, but in the Executive and the Senate also. This country, therefore, had no right to complain, when a treaty, regularly negociated and signed by his majesty, was refused by the American authorities, unless alterations were made in it by the United States. But, the singularity of the case was this-that the alteration proposed by the United States had no reference to the alteration introduced by the British Cabinet, but was an alteration of their own original draught of the treaty, by withdrawing the clause granting the reciprocity of search. The right of mutual search on the coast of America was the condition of the original treaty, but this the United States withdrew; the consequence of which, if we consented to it, would be, that the Americans would have the right of search in the West-India seas, while it would be denied to us on the coast of America. As a matter of justice to the West Indies, it VOL. XII.

was impossible to acquiesce in this propo[82 sal; since it would admit, by implication, that the Slave laws were evaded by our colonists, which he denied, and were not evaded by the Americans on their own coast. The course we then took was this-the United States had made an alteration which we could not admit, and we proposed to cancel the first treaty, and had sent out full powers to negociate another treaty, verbatim like the former, with the single exception of the word America. The refusal to ratify such a new treaty on the part of the United States could not stand the test of public discussion. By raising the offence of slave-trading into piracy, we gave a test of our sincerity, which admitted of no contradiction. therefore, that after a little cool reflecIt seemed to him, tion, the Americans would feel that they had no choice but to adopt the course we had recommended. He had much satisfaction in adding; that the whole discussion was carried on without the slightest breach of amity, and with the best personal feelings on the part of the Executive towards this country. He required explanation. He would abstain was not aware of any other topic that from going more into detail until some future period, when detail would be more necessary, and would therefore trouble the House no further.

and a committee appointed to draw it up. The Address was unanimously agreed to,

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, February 4.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION]. Lord F. L. Gower brought up the report of the Address in answer to the King's Speech.

Mr. Hobhouse said, he could not allow the report to be brought up, without expressing his hope that the House would indulge him in one or two observations. It had been for some time so much the fashion to consider his Majesty's Speech at the opening of the session, as a mere matter of form, and that no member of the House was pledged by any assent he might appear to give to it, that it was unnecessary to divide the House on points which might appear, and which to him certainly did appear, of the utmost im portance. Were it not for the prevalence of this opinion, he was sure there were very few gentlemen on his side of the G

House, who would not have thought it necessary to take the earliest opportunity protesting against the Address which was voted last night. For his own part, he had never heard an address in answer to a King's Speech, which called more imperiously on those who considered the true state of the country, to protest against portions of it, than that which he had heard last night. He was sure, that, in the very able and powerful speech which was addressed to the House by his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Brougham), there were many points introduced which would engage the most serious and anxious attention of the country. His majesty's Speech told them, that the country was enjoying the highest state of tranquillity and prosperity, and it congratulated them on the general tone of amity which characterised our relations with foreign powers. But he would call upon the House and the country to mark what it was that his Majesty's Speech, after having laid down these premises, requested them to do. In this state of internal tranquillity, when even Ireland was said to partake of the common prosperity, the first thing they were called on to do was to change the penal code of that country, and even of England itself; and then with respect to our relations with foreign powers, we were called upon to do what must naturally excite their suspicions. If we were afraid of exciting their suspicions, which he was sure we were not, and which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) had shewn he was not, by an augmentation of the number of our forces; what more could they have been called upon to do, if the right hon. gentleman had come down and stated that there was every probability that, in a short time, Ireland would break out into open rebellion, and that the Holy Allies would march their armies to the shores of France to menace our own coasts? It was impossible that hon. gentlemen, who enter tained the opinions of his (Mr. H.'s) side of the House, could sit quietly in their places, and allow such a speech to be made, without taking the earliest opportunity of entering their protest against it. There was one topic which had been so ably handled by his hon. and learned friend, and which would so shortly become the subject of discussion, that it was not necessary for him now to allude to it. At the same time, he must say, that if the House had not shewn a disposition

to cut short all debate after the very eloquent speech of the right hon. Secretary, he should have taken the liberty to object to one or two points which the right hon. Secretary had stated, as if he knew them, and they were therefore to pass as current facts. There was one point in the right hon. Secretary's speech which he could not forbear noticing. The right hon. Secretary, in alluding to the new penal law which was to be enacted against the Catholics of Ireland, had stated, to his great surprise, that none but the enemies of Ireland could consider the Catholic Association as a body representing the feelings, wishes, and interests of the Catholics of Ireland. He should like to ask the right hon. Secretary, what portion of the Catholics in Ireland were the dissentients? He could refer to documents, which furnished the most irresistible evidence that there were no dissentients.

He was not now giving any opinion as to that Association, but he should like to know, if it did not speak the feelings and opinions of the Catholics of Ireland, who did speak those feelings and opinions? Was it the right hon. Secretary who spoke those feelings and opinions? Was it the learned gentleman opposite (Mr. Plunkett), who, with all his talents, he was sorry to say, did not seem entirely to merit the eulogium which he thought his hon. and learned friend had improperly pronounced upon him last night. He hoped he should never be accused of putting his own opinions in competition with those of a gentleman of such high and splendid talents; yet at the same time he must judge of men by their acts. It was in vain to talk of the abilities of learned persons, who were placed in responsible situations, if unfortunately it should seem that there was the stamp of folly upon every thing they attempted; certain it was, at least, that ill success had attended all the efforts of the right hon. and learned gentleman opposite. right hon. and learned gentleman, somehow or other, had contrived never to attempt any thing in which he had not failed, and never to join any party which did not seem glad to take the earliest opportunity of getting rid of him. If the Association was not the representative of the feelings and opinions of the Catholics of Ireland, he again asked who were; and where were the dissentients? So far from the Association not representing the feelings and wishes of the Catholics of Ireland, if he

The

« PreviousContinue »