duct pursued by the priests, in this instance, against the petitioner ; and believed that hundreds of instances existed of a similar nature. It showed a great struggle, on the part of the Catholic priesthood, on the one hand, to resist and oppose a particular religion; and the laudable endeavours of a particular society, on the other hand, to promote that which they conceived would be beneficial to the peo an Address was moved on the subject, to the Crown, and a commission had been issued, on which he (Mr. L.) had the honour of serving. It was the duty of that commission to find a remedy for these grievances; and if a remedy could be found, it was useless to trouble the House with a detail of hundreds of similar instances of unjust persecution, every one of which he most sincerely deplored. He could only say he did not despair of finding a remedy, and when the commission had tried and failed, it would be time for this House to interfere. Mr. M. Fitzgerald perfectly concurred in the observations of the hon. member who spoke last. ants. The petitioner added, that in his node of education he had no catechism, and the attendance of a priest in the school was at all times desired. He stated to Mr. Quill, that he was a Catholic himself, and that he was as unwilling as any Catholic to make proselytes to the Protestant religion; but he insisted on his right to exercise his own discretion for the purpose of obtaining his livelihood in an honest manner. The priest became en-ple in Ireland. Now, in the last session, raged at this declaration, and went away, Vowing revenge. On the Sunday following, in church, the petitioner was pointed out ironically, as a reformer of the Protestant religion; and the people were exhorted by the priest to shed their blood rather than suffer their children to be educated in this way; and the penalties of excommunication were denounced against those who should continue their children at the school of the petitioner. Soon after, the time came on, when the priests were receiving confessions. They then took an opportunity of advising the children to stay away from the school, and the curses of the church were denounced from the altar against those who continued their children at it. With these oppressive efforts continued against him by the Catholic priests, the ruin of the petitioner was soon completed; and insider of it, and examine into the truth of this respect, owing to their threats among his neighbours, he was obliged to leave his house and neighbourhood, and betake himself to other parts. Nevertheless, wherever he went, the influence of the priests had preceded him; and those who had been disposed friendly towards him, had withdrawn from him their friendship and assistance. Above all, he stated, that he was cruelly assaulted, and nearly depriv. ed of his life, by a ruffianly attack on him by five individuals, because he had spoken against the parish priest, after he had endured from him all this oppression and persecution. Under the circumstances here detailed, the hon. member hoped the House would take such measures as they thought right, for the purpose of curb ing and restraining the influence of the priesthood in Ireland. There were a great many more cases he could mention, where the priests were guilty of exciting personal violence towards schoolmasters, and stirred up the populace under them to commit outrages against those whom they thought fit to proscribe. Mr. Frankland Lewis concurred with the hon, member in deprecating the con Mr. Plunkett complained, that the hon. member had brought down this petition, after having had, as he said, a year to con its allegations, for the purpose of produ cing an effect on the question which was to become the subject of discussion that night. He felt himself entitled to say, that the House was bound in justice, in candour, and in fairness, to suspend its judgment, until every gentleman had the same opportunity with the hon. member, of examining into the statements contained in this petition; and he hoped it would have the opposite effect to that which it was intended to produce. Mr. Dawson thought his hon. friend, had pursued a course which was strictly parliamentary. He sent to Ireland to get information on the subject of this petition, and when he had got proofs, which warranted him in believing the allegations were well founded, he presented the petition. How would he have been situated if he had presented it, without being in possession of the facts of the case? He would then have been accused of practising a delusion upon the House. Mr. Grattan said, that the question arising out of the petition appeared to be simply this, whether the Protestants were to teach the Catholic children, or whether the priesthood were to educate their own flocks? In his opinion, this petition had been held over to have an effect on the question coming before the House that night; and that the case of a particular priest was thus introduced, to raise a prejudice against Catholic priests and their religion generally. Sir T. Lethbridge conceived, that the hon. member who had presented this petition, was entitled to the best thanks of the House. Upon the great question which was about to be brought before the House, it was highly desirable that every member should hear all that could be said for and against the Catholics. Mr. Brownlow said, he had thought proper to delay the presentation of this petition for the ascertainment of facts: but he begged to add, that at the commencement of this session, he was not certain whether he should present it or not; and that it was not until he received another application by yesterday's post, urging him to present this petition, that he felt himself called upon to bring it before the House. Mr. Bright presented a petition from the merchants, traders, and bankers, of Bristol, on the subject to which the attention of the House was about to be called. The petitioners were persons of the greatest respectability. He was sorry he could not agree, to the full extent, with the petitioners. He was ready to admit Protestant Dissenters to an equal participation of civil rights, but he must take a distinction between the case of Dissenters and Catholics, when he looked back to the principles on which the revolution was established, which was emphatically a Protestant revolution; and when he considered the deplorable effects which the Catholic religion had produced in this and all other countries where it had predominated. The several petitions were then ordered to be laid on the table of the House, and also to be printed. ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS-PETITION OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND FOR AN EQUALIZATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS.] Sir Francis Burdett said, that, before he brought forward the important question which stood for that night's discussion, he had a petition to present for the Catholics of Ireland, praying for an equalization of civil rights with his majesty's other subjects, which was signed as he was informed, by a greater number of persons than had ever signed a petition on any former occasion. The petition, which formed a roll of parchment, measuring two feet in diameter, and when opened about a hundred feet in length, was read by the clerk, and ordered to be printed. It purported to be the petition of the Catholics of Ireland; and set forth. "That the petitioners, his majesty's most faithful and dutiful subjects, Roman Catholics of Ireland, approach the House with sentiments of respect and confidence, and beg leave firmly, but respectfully, to press upon the attention of the House their claims to relief from the operation of a penal and exclusive code of laws, by which they are unjustly aggrieved and degraded in this their native land; the relief the petitioners seek is plain and distinct; they ask for emancipation, that is to say, for an equalization of civil rights with all other classes of his majesty's subjects; the grounds on which the petitioners seek this relief are also plain and distinct; they are these: 1st. The petitioners seek it on the score of justice and right; 2nd. The petitioners seek it upon the faith of a solemn treaty which has been faithfully performed by one of the contracting parties; for, may it please the House to understand, that they deem it due in justice and of right to all classes of his majesty's subjects, to be allowed to worship God according to the dictates of conscience in purity and sincerity, without being subjected thereby, or by reason thereof, to any pains, penalties, or privations whatsoever; this principle, which the petitioners respectfully put forward for themselves and for their own advantage, they do also firmly assert, for the benefit of all other denominations of christians, being thoroughly convinced that it is equally inconsistent with religion and charity, to use force or fraud in order to prevent or control the public profession of that christian faith which is conscientiously and sincerely believed; the petitioners beg leave further, and with great respect to state, that this principle, which they thus assert, is that upon which the glorious revolution of 1688 was founded; the effect of that revolution, it is true, was to give in England a victory to the Protestant church, and in Scotland to the Presbyterian church, but in Ireland to give a triumph to a small and virulent faction; yet the sound principle upon which the great and illustrious persons acted,, and give to every human being the invaluwho guided and conducted that revolu- able right of worshipping God according tion, was that of freedom of conscience; to the sincere and honest dictates of his that revolution was a deviation from the conscience; the petitioners do therefore ordinary rules of the constitution, in order most respectfully claim from the House, to preserve the spirit and object in which, the right so to worship their God; they and for which, British government was do most respectfully claim to have reliformed, namely, that of promoting the gion unfettered and conscience free; the welfare of the people; the great majority petitioners do therefore most humbly subof the people of England at that time pro- mit, that to force conscience is not relifessed the Protestant form of worship; gion but tyranny, not christianity but inthe people of Scotland almost universally justice; may the petitioners be permitted professed the Presbyterian faith; the respectfully to ask, whether there be a latter had long endured violent persecu- single individual in the House who would tion on that account; it was known, or at not in his own individual instance feel least it was believed, that the second that it would be a grievous injustice to James would have continued (for he could punish him (and an exclusion from the not embitter) the persecution in Scot- House is surely a punishment); that the land; it was feared, and perhaps believed, petitioners repeat it would be a grievous that the second James would institute a injustice to punish him, merely because he similar persecution in England; the should refuse to disclaim religious tenets, people, therefore, vindicating the princi- which he believes to be both true and imple of freedom of conscience, rose in the portant to eternal salvation; the petitioners peaceful exertion of natural strength, and beg leave most respectfully to state that using the gentle term of "abdication" such is their decided opinion, and they effectually dethroned the king, from whom most humbly submit, that a course of they feared a violation of the principle of proceeding which would be unjust if freedom of conscience; it is true that the applied to every or any member of the revolution in Ireland produced effects House, must be equally so where pracquite anomalous; in Ireland the people tically applied to seven or even six milwere almost all Catholics, but in Ireland lions of faithful and dutiful subjects; upon the religion of the people was oppressed the principle, therefore, of freedom of conby that change, and the faith of the few science, do the petitioners rest their claims cherished and promoted to the exclusion to relief; upon the right to worship God as of the nation at large, but this anomaly reason warrants, and conscience dictates, affords no proof to detract from the prin- do they respectfully request the attention ciple which created the revolution in Eng. of the House to their situation; the peland and Scotland; it would be indeed titioners cannot bring themselves to bemelancholy, if the many anomalies, from lieve that an assembly of Christian legisconstitutional principles, which the said his- lators will, at this period, continue a systory of Ireland furnishes, were to be used tem which is founded on the assumed to subvert or contradict those principles; right to legislate over opinion, and to use it is also true, that their ancestors, at the compulsion against conscientious belief; period of the revolution, adhered with having thus respectfully relied upon the desperate fidelity to the reigning family; right of every subject to freedom of conthey were punished for their adherence science, a right which the theory of the to the doctrines of legitimacy, which con- Protestant religion appears to have consider the right of hereditary monarchs as secrated, as the profession of that faith indefeasible, doctrines which are become certainly does assert this right, the petiat present but too prevalent amongst tioners may be permitted to abstain from many who are opposed to their claims, resting their claim to relief upon any whilst the petitioners, the victims of such other or additional foundation, but they pernicious doctrines, do not only dis- owe it to the House to state, that the Catinctly disclaim and reject such slavish tholics of Ireland have a peculiar claim to notions, but proclaim, and in the strongest emancipation, that is, to the enjoyment of terms, consistent with their unfeigned re- civil rights, upon an equal footing with spect for the House, insist on the sacred their Protestant fellow-subjects; it is a principles of civil and religious liberty, right derived from the hitherto unobserwhich declare all the powers of govern- ved faith of a solemn treaty; the treaty ment a trust for the benefit of the people, they allude to is the treaty of Limerick ; that treaty was entered into deliberately, solemnly, and for valuable consideration; advantages were stipulated for, at both sides; all those which were bargained for by the British government were all ob tained; there cannot rest the slightest suspicion of any breach of faith on the part of the Irish Catholics; the principal advantage stipulated for on the part of the Irish Catholics was liberty of conscience; this right was expressly allowed and solemnly promised, subject to no other condition save the taking an oath of allegiance to their majesties king William and queen Mary, and their successors; an oath which the Irish Catholics have been always willing to take, and the obligation of which they have always observed; is it permitted the petitioners to ask, whether this solemn treaty has been duly fulfilled on the part of the British government? alas! whatever pretexts may be used to justify its violation, the fact that they are now humble petitioners at the bar of the House demonstrates that it has been violated; the petitioners are convinced that the House is too just to allow it to be asserted that the treaty of Limerick was a treaty with rebels in arms, and that therefore it ought not to be observed; even if it were conceded that the Irish were rebels yet the British government which treated with those rebels would not and could not be at liberty to violate its engagements; that they were rebels might have been a reason for not treating with them at all; it could be no reason why they should be cheated or defrauded by solemn, but violated engagements; the petitioners therefore omit any discussion upon the fact, or the law of rebellion; however the petitioners are bound to remind the House that Ireland and England were in the seventeenth century separate and distinct kingdoms; and that although the two Houses of parliament in England did, as they then had a right to do, displace one king and thereby alter the succession to the throne, yet the Irish parliament, with him who was king "de facto" at their head, adhered to the party to which the Catholics of Ireland had, in the excess of absurd loyalty, devoted their lives and fortunes; these considerations may mitigate the charge of rebellion, and justify altogether (if justification be necessary) the British government for entering into the treaty of Limerick; the petitioners now most respectfully and humbly petition for the performance of that treaty; it has been violated, grossly violated; the petitioners do not pronounce any censure on those who first violated it, nor do they demand any punishment on those who continue its violation; their humble petition is confined to the respectful prayer, that this solemn treaty may now at length be honestly fulfilled; the petitioners respectfully submit, that there cannot be offered any fair or just reason why it should not be fulfilled; many years, it is true, have elapsed since it was entered into, and during which it has been violated; but there is no statute of limitation for crime; injustice does not improve by age, and the iniquity which was perpetrated in a former century does not palliate, much less justify, the continuation of the evil in the present; the petitioners therefore most humbly implore the House to do justice to the Irish people, to vindicate the high character of Britain from a stain, and to set the noble example to the world of declaring that faith once solemnly pledged is inviolable, and that no reasons of state policy, or motives of religious prejudice, can sanction the violation of plighted national honour; and the petitioners humbly implore the House to consider, that all reasons of state policy are favourable to their claims; the concession of Catholic emancipation would be the first great step to conciliate a long-oppressed and much-injured people; its natural and inevitable tendency would be, to secure the throne, increase the strength and consolidate the resources of the empire; it would give to religion the sacred character of charity, to the state the proud boast of liberality; it would give to the people peace and tranquillity, and to the government additional means and perfect security; there is no reason of state, why the penal and restrictive code should be continued; no statesman can define a rational object for its continuance; in truth, what rational object can be attained by continuing this code? what reasonable purpose is to be achieved by its continuance? is it intended thereby to diminish the number of Catholics, and to increase that of Protestants? if that be the object, it has hitherto totally failed; the relative number of Catholics has, under the present system, greatly increased; the positive number of Catholics is enormously augmented; it is perhaps too low to calculate the Catholics at seven millions; they already constitute full onethird of the population of the British em pire; the Catholics are much more numerous than any other sect or denomination of Christians in the British empire; they are more numerous than the professors of the faith of the established Church of England and Ireland; they are infinitely more numerous than the members of the Church of Scotland; they are beyond any comparison more numerous than the Quakers, or Methodists, or Independents, or Baptists, or Seckers, or any other particular denomination of Christians; they are also out of all proportion more numerous than the Unitarians, who have rejected some of those tenets of Christianity which are avowed as of the most sacred importance by the established Churches of England and Scotland, and who have yet been deemed worthy of the humane attention of the legislature; whilst the petitioners, who agree with them on those most important sacred tenets, the Roman Catholics, who profess the ancient religion of the land, who profess the faith which our ancestors, as well as theirs, professed; the Roman Catholics who have never embraced or exchanged new opinions; the Roman Catholics who cannot be accused of the guilt of any species of new in ventions, but have merely clung to old and long cherished establishments, they alone are excluded and degraded in this their native land, whilst every other sect and denomination of Christians already formed, or which may yet be formed, are placed by the laws in force in Ireland, in a state to enjoy all the political blessings of the British constitution; the continuance of the present system is not calcula. ted to diminish the number of Catholics, on the contrary, they are bound by truth to state that its natural tendency is to increase their numbers; man naturally abhors persecution, and cherishes with increased affection the doctrines for which he is persecuted; this affection enlivens devotion, stimulates zeal, and gives the courage and perseverance of martyrs, to persons who might otherwise be cold, careless, and indifferent; besides it enlists prejudice and even passion at the side of the persecuted; and it makes a perseverance in the persecuted creed a matter of pride and honour, and renders a defection from it an object of disgust and contempt; these are truths confirmed by all history, sacred and profane, and without abandoning (although the petitioners do not offensively urge) other and more important advantages, which they conscientiously believe their sacred religion to possess, the petitioners yet appeal to the judgment of every member of the House, whether the rapid increase of Catholics in the British empire does not furnish another and an equivocal proof that penal and restrictive laws do not diminish the number of those against whom they are levelled; the petitioners therefore most humbly implore the House to take their claims and rights into its most serious consideration, and to reflect, that no fair or rational object can be attained by continuing the present restrictive laws; that whilst those laws tend to increase, and certainly do not diminish their numbers, they foment and continue dissention, division, and distraction amongst his ma jesty's subjects, they diffuse a bitter poison into the sweet charities of private and social life, they engender hatred and animosity amidst public transactions, they lessen the respect that ought to be paid to the laws, they pollute the fountains of justice, they diminish the safety of the throne, and if persevered in, must, as the petitioners most respectfully and humbly submit, lessen the resources and diminish the security of the empire; the petitioners do, as loyal and faithful subjects, implore the House, to put a period to these evils, and by doing a great and substantial act of justice, secure for ever the stability of the throne, and of the glorious British constitution; May it therefore please the House to grant to his majesty's most faithful subjects, the Catholics of the British empire, an equalization of civil rights with his majesty's other subjects." Ordered to lie on the table. Sir ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS.] Francis Burdett rose, and addressed the House to the following effect : Sir;-Filled as my mind always is with anxiety and apprehension, whenever I am called upon to address this House, never did I feel that anxiety and that apprehension in so strong a degree as at the present moment, when a duty is imposed upon me, which I cannot help feeling I am unable adequately to perform, and which I should unquestionably have been anxious to decline, could I have done so, without the appearance of a desertion of my duty and principles-without the appearance of my not having that warm and zealous feeling in the cause of the Catholics, which I will venture to say, no gentleman in this House-no gentleman in |