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This he denied. He thought that while we maintained an army of 250,000 men in that country, it was impossible that we should lose our possessions there. But, the best way to ensure the permanence of our power there, would be to allow public discussion and exposure of delinquencies through the medium of the press. If that were prevented, mischiefs of the most serious nature would ensue. It was the most impolitic course which could be pursued to prevent Englishmen from embarking their capital in that country, and of establishing there a regular system of colonization. He knew that that word would startle the prejudices of many persons, but still it was a system, which, in the result, would be found most advantageous to our interests in that country. He should now move, "That there be laid before this House, an account of the number of British-born or other European subjects, whose removal from the different presidencies of India has been at any time officially threatened, or actually carried into effect, by the civil authorities there, or by orders from the court of Directors; distinguishing whether such persons had been in the king's or company's service, or residing in India, with or without a licence; and stating the names of such persons so threatened or actually transported, the dates of such occurrences, and the alleged cause of such threatened or actual transportation; and stating also whether the same have been attended with personal arrest or imprisonment, and for what period and where; and whether preceded or followed by judicial proceedings of any description, in India or in England, since 1784."

Mr. Wynn said, it was not his intention to follow the hon. member through the extensive field over which he had travelled. The important question of the civilization of India was too extensive to be taken up collaterally. Whenever it was submitted to the House, he should not hesitate to declare his opinion. With respect to the present question, the House were bound to respect the laws as they now existed. By the act of 1793, it was declared a misdemeanor for any man to be in India without the licence of the East India Company. The act of 1813, which opened the trade of India very considerably, reserved the same power, and commanded the same prohibitions. As the law existed, a governor-general was bound, when he permitted a European

subject not having a licence to settle in India, to enter a special reason upon record for so permitting him. This was the most easy and natural mode of proceeding; for every gentleman would see that it would be very hard indeed upon the governor-general to call upon him to state his reasons for sending an individual away. The hon. member had also said, that no person could go to India without the special leave of the court of Directors; thereby insinuating that it was matter of some difficulty to obtain it. He held in his hand a list of the applications which had been made for such leave since 1814. The number of applications in that time was 963: of these 743 had met with a successful issue from the court of Directors, and 41 with the same from the Board of Control; so that, in the whole period, there had not been more than 179 refusals. The hon. member had found fault with the act, because it provided that a man without a licence might be removed by the governor-general. Now, no man could be removed by the governor-general alone, but only by the governor-general in coun. cil. Every member of the council had a right to state his opinion with regard to the propriety of removal, and thus there was some control upon that arbitrary exercise of power against which the hon. member had declaimed. With respect to the motion itself, he was extremely willing to give all the information it sought in substance; but he felt it due to the individuals themselves not to return names which might individually affect persons who, after a number of years, could not contemplate such a disclosure. He should, therefore, move, as an amendment, for "a return of all persons removed from India, or ordered to quit India, since 1784, by any of the governments there, on the ground of being found in India without a licence from the court of Directors of the East India Company, or other lawful cause :-also, a return of all persons whose licence or permission to reside in India has been revoked by any of the governments, specifying the ground of such revocation, and distinguishing such persons as have been removed from India by order of such governments; stating whether such removal has been preceded by personal arrest or imprisonment, for what period and where, and whether the same has been preceded or followed by any judicial proceeding in India or England."

The motion, as amended, was agreed to.

BEAR-BATING PREVENTION BILL.] Mr. Martin, of Galway, rose to move for leave "to bring in a bill to prevent Bearbaiting, and other cruel practices." He submitted his motion with perfect confidence of its success; because, in the interval which had elapsed since the last session, he had conversed with every alderman of the city of London, with almost every police magistrate in the metropolis, and with many magistrates in different parts of the country, and had collected from their conversation that it was their unanimous opinion, that these cruel practices ought to be put down. He had been told by them, that nothing was more conducive to crime than such sports; that they led the lower orders to gambling; that they educated them for thieves; and that they gradually trained them up to bloodshed and murder. The reason why the police could not meddle with these practices was, that they were not in general exhibited for money. He held, however, in his hand an affiche, which would bring the sports under the notice of the police, since it fixed a price upon the ticket which was required for admission to them. It announced that " Billy, the phenomenon of the canine race, and superior vermin-killer," would go through his wonderful performances on Tuesday next, and that the receipts of the pit would on that evening be presented to the distressed widow of Billy's late proprietor. It then stated, that "a dogfight-a turn-loose match with two dogs and two fresh badgers-and a drawing match," would follow this astounding spectacle; and that several dogs would then be tried at a bear previous to their being sent out upon their travels to foreign climes. The doors were to be open at seven, the performance to begin at half-past, and the admittance to be 3s. each. The whole of the sports were said to be instituted by the "express invitation of several noblemen and gentlemen of the first distinction." He expected that this declaration would secure to him the vote of the learned member for Winchelsea. On a former occasion, that learned member had said, that he (Mr. M.) meddled only with the sports of the poor, and turned away his eyes from those of the rich. He did no such thing; but was equally anxious to meddle with both, when he found them opposed to the dictates of humanity. The learned member had said, "Show me that the nobility take VOL. XII.

part in those sports, and I will join with all my heart in putting them down." He was sorry to say, that some persons of rank and name did patronize these cruel practices. The persons to whom he alluded, deserved to be stigmatized with severer reprobation than the poorer classes, against whom alone his bill was said to be directed. Their education ought to have given them feelings averse to cruelty and bloodshed, and to have taught them that their example would be of vast importance in propagating such feelings among their inferiors. He therefore trusted that the learned member would redeem the pledge he had given him, and would give his strenuous support to the bill. He could see no rational objection that could be urged against it. By the Marylebone act all bear-baiting and other barbarous sports were prohibited within that parish and it appeared to him difficult to assign any reason why, if that parish was to be exempt from such inhuman exhibitions, the parishes of St. George and of St. Margaret, or of any other saint, were to be disgraced and disgusted by them. It was not, however, merely bear-baiting, and sports of a similar nature, that he wished to abolish : there were other practices, equally cruel, with which he thought the legislature ought to interfere. There was a Frenchman of the name of Majendie, whom he considered a disgrace to society. In the course of last year, this man, at one of the anatomical theatres, exhibited a series of experiments so atrocious as almost to shock belief. He would not trust himself to express a further opinion upon this fellow's conduct, but would merely say that he looked upon those who witnessed it without interfering to prevent it, almost in the light of criminals. This Mr. Majendie got a lady's grey-hound, for which he paid ten guineas. He first of all nailed its front, and then its hind paws to the table, with the bluntest spikes that he could find, giving as a reason for so doing, that the poor beast in its agonies might tear away from the spikes, if they were at all sharp and cutting. He then doubled up its long ears, and nailed them down to the same table with similar spikes [cries of "hear," and "shame"]. He then made a gash down the middle of its face, and proceeded to dissect the nerves on one side of it. First of all, he cut out those nerves which belong to the sight, and whilst performing that operation, said

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Mr. Martin said, that all the magis trates of the metropolis called for a law to put down these practices as a nuisance. Was not their call entitled to some respect? It was discreditable to any member, to rise and say, not that he would negative the bill when it was brought in, but that he would not permit it to be canvassed at all in parliament. Would any man get up and boldly say, "I am such an amateur of cruelty, that I will not even allow a measure to be discussed which tends to abolish it?" Such language no man would dare to utter; and yet, what had been said that evening approximated to it. He was afraid he should be defeated upon this bill; but if he was, the glory would be with him, and the disgrace with those who vanquished him. was, however, confident that at some future period it would be passed into law. He would not say that it would meet with that success whilst under his direction; but if the gentlemen opposite would take it up, as they had done his bill for giving counsel to prisoners accused of felony, he would willingly surrender it into their hands.

He

to the spectators, "Observe when I pass troduced matter which was not applicamy scalpel over these nerves, the dog will ble on the present occasion. It was true, shut its eyes." It did so. He then pro- the Mary-la-bonne act rendered the pracceeded to operate upon those of taste and tices alluded to, misdemeanors; but hearing. After he had finished those ope- they came, in his opinion, under the cogrations, he put some bitter food on the nizance of the magistrates, in all cases tongue of the dog, and hallooed into his where they operated as a nuisance. He ear. The dog repudiated the food, and should oppose this bill, because he conwas insensible to the sound. This sur-sidered legislation on such paltry subjects gical butcher, or butchering surgeon-for both unnecessary and uncalled for. he deserved both names-then turned round to the spectators, and said, "I have now finished my operations on one side of this dog's head; as it costs so much money to get an animal of this description, I shall reserve the other side till to-morrow. If the servant takes care of him for the night, according to the directions I have given him, I am of opinion that I shall be able to continue my operations upon him to-morrow, with quite as much satisfaction to us all as I have done to-day; but if not, though he may have lost the vivacity he has shown to-day, I shall have the opportunity of cutting him up alive, and showing you the peristaltic motion of the heart and viscera." [Great disgust at the statement of this cruel experiment was manifested by the House.] He was aware of the necessity of making some experiments on living animals; but then they should be performed in such a manner as to cause as little suffering as possible. That was the opinion of the most eminent professors. He held in his hand the written declarations of Mr. Abernethy, of sir Everard Home, of the professors of medicine at Cambridge and Oxford, and of several other respectable medical gentlemen, to that effect. They all, he believed, united in condemnation of such excessive and protracted cruelty as had been practised by this Frenchman. He had heard that this fellow was again coming to this country to repeat his experiment. He therefore had mentioned it to the House, in the hope that it would gain publicity, and excite against the perpetrator of such unnecessary cruelty the odium he merited. He trusted that when it was known, the fellow would not find persons to attend his lectures, and would thus be compelled to wing his way back to his own country, to find in it a theatre for such abominable atrocities. After some further observations, he concluded by moving for leave to bring in the bill.

Sir M. W. Ridley could not but express his horror at the incidents narrated; but he thought the hon. member had in

Mr. Gordon said, he must consider this a degree of petty legislation, when ques tions of so much more importance were before the House.

Mr. F. Buxton did not think the subject so insignificant as not to deserve the notice of the House. The hon. mover had conferred an essential benefit upon the community by his continued exertions in the cause of humanity. His former bill had already produced a beneficial change in the manners of the lower orders, and was far from having produced that unnecessary litigation which some gentlemen had anticipated. The prosecutions which had been instituted under it were 71 in number; and in 69 cases convictions had been obtained. He had heard from those who attended Smithfield-market, that a great revolution had taken place in it, owing to the exertions of the hon. member. Even those who were the first subjects of

his attacks, had recently come forward to subscribe to the society for preventing Cruelty to Animals.

Alderman Bridges supported the bill, and gave his concurrence to the statements of the hon. mover.

Mr. Butterworth hoped the hon. member for Galway would extend the powers of his bill to the savage, abominable, and unchristian practice of prize-fighting, which had led in many recent instances to the loss of life.

The House divided: Ayes 41. Noes 29.

NAVY ESTIMATES.] The House resolved itself into a committee on the Navy Estimates. On the resolution, "That 54,8867. be granted for the Salaries and Contingencies of the Admiralty Office," Sir J. Yorke wished to ask, why the salary of the private secretary to the first lord had been increased from 300l. to 5107. per annum. He saw no reason for this, when it had been found prudent to reduce the number of lords of the Admiralty. He was surprised, that, in this great and powerful country, he could only find a reduction, on all the boards, of 3,500l. Would his hon. friends say, that one commissioner of the Victualling or Navy board, or one lord of the Treasury had been reduced? No; the whole reduction was one Post-master and two lords of the Admiralty. He thought, if the hon. baronet who had brought forward the motion for the reduction of the lords of Admiralty were to reconsider the matter, he would be disposed to vote for their being re-appointed. He wished to see an additional 2,000l. added to this part of the estimates, to restore the two lords, as without that they were not fairly dealt by.

On the motion for agreeing to that part of the report which recommends granting the sum of 538,3061. for the dockyards, &c.

Mr. Hume complained of going on, year after year, expending millions of money in building ships, only to lie and

rot.

It was not proper to pass such estimates. For the years 1823, 1824, 1825, the amount had been the same as 1817. The expense of buildings in the dockyards, &c. ought to be checked. Since 1811, we had expended on the dock-yards 4,853,000l.; and for works connected with them 1,587,0007.; making a total of 6,400,000l. expended on nothing but brick and mortar. One year there was

an estimate for 600,000l., another year for 500,000l., and then the year after for 800,000l. It appeared that no system was followed, and that some estimate or plan should be followed, and the money not expended as some lord of the Admiralty took a fancy to build. Since 1815, twenty-three millions had been expended on building and repairing ships that were only kept to rot. It would be better to give pensions to every workman in the dock-yards, if it were the object to employ them, than thus to waste money on ship-building.

Sir G. Cockburn did not believe the hon. member could be correct in his statements. Peace was the time for putting our dock-yards, in a good state: during war it was impossible to do it.

On the resolution for granting for the Naval college, the sum of 6,2521.,

Sir J. Yorke inquired if it was intended to keep that college up to its full extent, as he understood that one of the pupils, Mr. Bonnycastle, had left this country and gone to America. He approved of science being taught, but charity, he thought, began at home; and we ought not to pay for the education of young men who were to carry their scientific acquirements to another state.

Mr. Croker replied, that every student was obliged to give a bond of 500l. that they would remain in the king's service. He did not see what other security could be taken from them; and if Mr. Bonnycastle chose to forfeit his bond, he did not know how that was to be prevented. The resolutions were agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, February 25.

STANDING ORDERS-ISLE OF DOGS RAILWAY.] A petition was presented from the Regent's Canal Company, complaining that a petition had been presented to the House, praying for leave to bring in a bill to empower a certain company to construct a rail-way from the Isle of Dogs into one of the most populous districts of the metropolis; although the standing orders of the House had not been complied with respecting the notices, &c. it appearing that the rail-way was intended to cross the Regent's Canal, immediately below one of the locks, of which intention the proprietors of the Regent's Canal had been apprized only last week.

The Speaker said, that, as this petition

A conversation of some length ensued. The general understanding was in favour of referring to the committee on the standing orders, the petitions praying that the standing orders might not be dispensed with, as well as the petitions of the original parties, and the reports of the committees to whom the latter had been referred; but it was eventually determined, that the decision on the question should be postponed for a few days.

BRITISH MUSEUM.] Sir Charles Long presented a petition from the trustees of the British Museum, the statement contained in which he begged permission to repeat to the House. Mr. Rich, who had been in the service of the East India Company, as their resident at the court of the pacha of Bagdat, had made, during the many years which he resided in India, a very extensive and valuable collection of manuscripts, medals, and antiquities. It was the wish of that gentleman, who was since dead, that this collection should be in the possession of the British Museum, in order that, by being opened to public inspection, it might be the means of facilitating the discoveries and studies of persons of science. His widow, in pursuance of this desire of her late husband,

related to a subject of great importance, I parties with respect to the expediency or and one respecting which the House, and, inexpediency of dispensing with the standthrough the House, the public, ought to ing orders of the House. know what was to be the exact practice, he would make a few observations upon it. It was well known, that when a petition was presented to the House for a private bill, that petition was referred to a committee, to inquire if the standing orders had been complied with by the petitioners. If the report of that committee was, that the standing orders had not been complied with, then that report was referred to the committee on the standing orders, to determine whether or not the standing orders with reference to that bill should be dispensed with. It was also well known, that neither committee had any thing to do with the merits of the case generally, but that their inquiries were strictly confined to the question of the standing orders. The point which it was now desirable the House should distinctly determine was, whether, when a petition was presented to the House from a party adverse to a private bill, praying that the standing orders with respect to that private bill should not be dispensed with, that petition should also be referred to the committee on the standing orders, together with the original petition, and the report of the committee to whom that petition had been referred. It certainly seemed desirable, that the committee on the standing orders (which committee, al-had offered the whole of his collections to though it had been instituted only last the trustees of the Museum at a reasonsession, had rendered the greatest service able price, to be fixed upon by persons to the public) should have materials from who were acquainted with its value. The both parties before them, in order to form trustees, when this offer was made to their judgment, whether or not the parties them, felt bound to make an inquiry into petitioning for a private bill, should be the value of the collection. They proexcused from an observance of the stand-cured the opinions of Dr. Macbride, Dr. ing orders of the House. Such was the usage before the institution of that committee; and when the duties which had devolved upon it were discharged by the Speaker, who (at least he could speak for himself) always took into consideration the opposite petitions. But, above all, it was desirable, that the practice should be fixed and ascertained, in order that the House, the petitioners, and the public generally, might know whether the report of the committee on the standing orders was an ex-parte report, on which the House might afterwards pronounce, or whether it was a report, leaving (as he had before observed) the merits of the case wholly untouched, but founded on a consideration of the allegations of both

Nicholls of Oxford, Dr. Leigh of Cambridge, and of Dr. Young. They gave their concurrent testimony, that it was highly valuable, and would form an important acquisition to the British Museum. The collection consisted of 900 volumes of manuscripts, in the Persian, Turkish, Chaldaic, Syriac, and Arabic languages. They contained commentaries on the scriptural writings, and were likely to afford very important illustrations of the sacred text. Another part of the collection was composed of Oriental and Greek medals, the value of which would be satisfactorily proved to the House when he told them, that they were held in the highest estimation by the late Mr. Payne Knight, who had carefully examined

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